Chapter 470: The Orange Free State Joins the British
East Africa's actions made Cape Town furious, but there was little it could do alone to face such a giant. Still, Cape Town wasn't the only one unsettled—Portugal's colonists in Angola were also deeply worried.
Laetania Province was far from Walvis Bay, separated by vast desert. However, the western highlands of Laetania, near the Namibia-Angola border, had relatively favorable conditions. Namibia's main rivers were all in the north, and although seasonal, the northern plateau was extensive, with annual rainfall barely reaching 500 mm.
The southern region, though also a plateau, had mountainous terrain—one reason East Africa couldn't directly invade Namibia from the east. Imagine crossing the Kalahari Desert only to face mountain ranges, then more desert. Such despair couldn't be overcome by willpower alone. Hence, East Africa chose a combined sea–land strategy for its Namibia colonization.
In the western highlands of Laetania lies the Ovamboland region, the most important agricultural zone in Namibia. It supports millet, sorghum, and root crops, and houses 30% of the country's population. Namibia's food self-sufficiency was only about 20%, and most of that came from Ovamboland.
No wonder the Portuguese never cared much for Namibia—colonial costs were simply too high. But from East Africa's perspective, Namibia's value was different. Gaining Atlantic access would instantly make East Africa a two-ocean nation.
As for the harsh climate, East Africa could handle it. Its farmland was already sufficient, and Namibia, like South Africa, didn't need large-scale agriculture.
April 1877.
East Africa also initiated plans for the Congo Rainforest region. A riverine force was established on the Ubangi River to patrol both the Congo and Ubangi regularly—signaling that East Africa was now fully incorporating the eastern Congo Basin.
The overall strategy in the west was offensive. Railways dramatically boosted East Africa's logistics capacity. The western extension of the Central Railway now pushed up against Angola but ended abruptly, forming a "dead-end line"—a clear sign of ambition toward the colony.
May 1877.
In Bloemfontein, under British persuasion, the Orange Free State held a final vote on whether to join the Cape Colony.
"Votes in favor: 1,308. Opposed: 230. Abstentions: 415. I hereby declare the dissolution of the Orange Free State and its merger with the Cape Colony," President Brand announced, personally dissolving the last Boer republic. South Africa now transitioned from a three-way power struggle to a standoff between two giants.
President Brand had no real choice. He would've preferred independence, but doing so might have led to civil war the very next day. Joining Cape Colony, in his eyes, was a bitter but necessary pill to swallow.
With the Boers, only the Kingdom of Lesotho remained. But earlier that year, Britain had opportunistically declared its annexation—true to British form. After being crushed by East Africa, Lesotho was useless to them. Now, with the Orange Free State absorbed, Britain had essentially unified southern South Africa.
Those who voted "no" in the Orange Free State didn't want to collude with the British. East Africa might be problematic, but Britain was undoubtedly worse. The abstainers mostly didn't want to be caught between the British and Germans. They preferred neutrality.
These were mostly locals, but the anti-union and neutral camps were weak. Most Boers—especially those expelled by East Africa from the Transvaal—hated East Africa. Stirred by these sentiments, public opinion in the Orange Free State turned hostile toward East Africa.
Under British manipulation, the Orange Free State joined Cape Colony without hesitation.
Between a rock and a hard place, Britain looked like the lesser evil. The Free State knew what had happened to the Transvaal and feared the same fate.
British envoy to Cape Colony, Lynt: "The Boers made the right choice. From now on, you're all my brothers. Together, we'll safeguard the peace of South Africa."
To win over the Boers, Britain made generous offers. They agreed to split Orange River diamond profits 50–50. Of course, for "defense" purposes, Britain would manage the mines for three years to fund military spending—then return control to the Boers.
Britain also canceled all previous debts—crucial for the nearly bankrupt Free State. Like the Transvaal, its finances were in shambles, forcing it to borrow heavily from the British. The Boers certainly weren't borrowing from the Zulus.
To sweeten the deal further, Cape Colony Governor Henry Barkly promised Boers equal status to British citizens, respect for their rights, and inviolable private property.
If Ernst had heard these British promises, he'd have scoffed—"A dog never changes its nature." Nor did British diplomacy.
Their tactics were nearly identical to history. Without offering much real benefit, they relied on slogans and exploited anti-East African sentiments—especially among Transvaal migrants—to absorb the Free State.
This outcome was nearly inevitable. The Transvaal had more people than the Orange Free State. After being expelled, they flooded into the Free State and quickly seized political influence. With British support, they sidelined the original Boer leadership.
East Africa had essentially dug its own grave here. But expelling the Boers from the Transvaal was still the best choice. Leaving them in East Africa would've been a ticking time bomb.
The Boers had developed a strong ethnic consciousness—fundamentally opposed to East Africa's policy of Germanization. Trying to "re-educate" them would've cost too much and likely failed. Better to let them go—even if Ernst knew they might return one day as enemies.
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