Chapter 508: Economic Sanctions
Leopold II, ever the opportunist, tipped off East Africa about Britain's schemes—proof that East Africa had become a significant enough player to draw such attention.
After speaking with Leopold, the British also reached out to Italy, Abyssinia, Egypt, and even the Merina Kingdom across the Mozambique Channel for "friendly discussions." A loosely formed encirclement around East Africa began to take shape. But anyone with eyes could see that, while it existed on paper, it was hollow in practice.
The northern nations, in particular, maintained ambiguous attitudes toward East Africa. Portugal was the only one fully aligned with Britain. And even if the others wanted to join Britain's effort to contain East Africa, it wouldn't be effective—just as the British blockade against the U.S. failed when America simply turned to the Pacific.
East Africa didn't need to copy the U.S. It already had strong naval capabilities in the Indian Ocean, enough to protect its trade routes. The Royal Navy was a major threat, yes—but also spread thin.
Geographically, the U.S. had been more vulnerable to sanctions, located far from the European-centered global market. East Africa, on the other hand, sat near the core of global trade routes. Even if maritime routes were blocked, it could still access overland options.
The British even approached the Merina Kingdom, showing just how desperate they were to form an anti–East Africa alliance.
In July 1879, the British Parliament passed a sanctions act targeting East Africa. The act banned imports of East African tropical agricultural goods and prohibited British and colonial firms from exporting machinery, technology, or purchasing East African minerals and industrial products.
The sanctions were quickly transmitted to East Africa via telegraph.
"They're sanctioning us? What's their excuse?" Ernst asked, bemused.
"Your Highness, according to Britain, we've violated the so-called principles of free trade."
"Heh. That's rich," Ernst scoffed. "What, they don't care about free trade with anyone else? The more the enemy protests, the more we know we're doing the right thing. We just can't give the British any foothold in East Africa."
British "free trade" was a farce—it meant unilateral economic dominance. Britain wanted East Africa to serve as its raw material supplier and dumping ground for goods. Even Germany and Austria didn't get that treatment, so Ernst wasn't about to let Britain exploit East Africa.
"Still, Your Highness, the British market is quite large—especially for our agricultural exports. This could hurt."
Ernst admitted he didn't value British trade relations highly, but the UK was still the world's largest empire, with a population second only to the Far Eastern Empire. East Africa naturally had some commercial ties to Britain and its colonies. British consumers were wealthy and generous—a strong market. So Ernst couldn't afford to ignore the sanctions.
"We should turn our attention to Britain's colonies—India, Australia, those large, far-off possessions. The home islands might enforce sanctions strictly, but I doubt the colonies will be as obedient."
"Your Highness, we're in direct competition with India in agriculture."
"I know. But I'm just trying to use Britain's own empire against itself. No wall is airtight. Britain's vast, fragmented global empire offers us plenty of cracks."
East Africa's tropical agricultural output held a major share of the world market. Its vast plantation economy allowed it to undercut rivals and win through scale. It could suppress competitors by cutting profits—or win over partners by sharing the margins.
"The only major sector affected by British sanctions is agriculture. I expected that. Beyond that, our ties with Britain are minimal."
That might even be why Britain resented East Africa so much—because it benefited Germany and Austria more. Britain had no access to East Africa's vast resources and population. Though they didn't know the exact numbers, they assumed tens of millions of Black laborers lived in East Africa. The territory was huge, and the mineral wealth obvious.
Since Ernst wasn't worried, neither was his staff. The Hechingen Consortium had ways of bypassing the sanctions—it would just require more complex maneuvering.
"Your Highness, should we issue an official response?"
"What's the point? We don't need anything from them. Let them sanction all they like."
Ernst was unfazed. Britain wasn't like the U.S. in his previous life. The global economy may have taken shape thanks to powers like Britain, but it wasn't yet a unipolar world.
In the past, U.S. economic sanctions were devastating. Only the strongest nations could resist them. But Britain's sanctions on East Africa would only work through war—nothing else could stop its momentum.
In terms of energy and minerals, East Africa was self-sufficient. In capital and technology, it could rely on Germany and Austria. The market loss would hurt—but not derail development.
Britain's main edge was its first industrial revolution: textile machinery, steam engines, and similar tech. That could hinder East Africa a bit. But it could always source such tech from third-party nations.
The second industrial revolution hadn't yet fully replaced the first, especially in areas like transportation and power. Factories and locomotives still relied on steam, allowing Britain to ride its legacy for a few more decades.
Thinking this through, Ernst realized East Africa shouldn't act rashly. Britain held the initiative and was full of tricks. It was best to keep calm. So long as East Africa avoided major mistakes, Britain's interference would be ineffective—and Britain itself wouldn't last in a long standoff.
After all, Britain had other problems. East Africa was only a potential threat. Other nations posed real ones. Britain couldn't focus all its attention on Africa forever.
Ernst smiled. "Maybe it's time to play the weakling. But how do we make ourselves look harmless?"
Projecting weakness was a good way to lull the enemy. Ernst knew the U.S. had done this well—after all, they barely maintained a standing army. How harmless was that?
But East Africa couldn't take that route. The U.S. was a democracy—destroy its army, and its people would still rally behind it. Britain couldn't touch it.
East Africa, by contrast, was a monarchy. If Ernst dismantled its military, the state might survive—but the Hechingen dynasty would not.
So if military weakness wasn't an option, then public image had to be the battlefield. Ernst considered launching a "East Africa is collapsing" narrative. But that didn't fit—they weren't failing, after all.
Maybe scapegoating others would work. Push the heat onto America and other powers. After all, in a storm, better someone else get soaked.
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