The Duke of Brunswick, from the illustrious Welf family of the Empire, chose to side with the Emperor at a very sensitive juncture.
Not only that, he also issued a call in the name of the Governor of Lower Saxony to the regional princes who resisted the public donation tax, and soon received a response.
The princes of the North sent envoys one after another to Vienna, hoping to obtain the Emperor's forgiveness while also hoping to secure some final benefits for themselves.
The Count of Oldenburg, having no other options left after being thoroughly beaten, had to hole up in his lair while sending his nephew across the entire Empire to have an audience with the Emperor in Vienna.
News of the shifting winds in Lower Saxony first reached Leipzig, and Elector Ernst of Saxony, who had done nothing about the plight of the princes, was furious and anxious, yet helpless.
If he was indeed a master of domestic affairs, then his capabilities in military and diplomatic matters were slightly lacking.
His original intention was to disrupt the progress of the Empire's reforms by inciting opposition between some princes and the Emperor; if the opportunity arose, he even hoped to force the Emperor to cede more power.
If this were in the past, with the threats of France and the Ottomans looming, Laszlo might indeed have chosen a more moderate approach.
However, with external threats eliminated, the Elector of Saxony finally realized the vast disparity in power between the Emperor and the other Imperial Princes.
Relying on the frantically expanding Burgundy, the Emperor not only made money but also seized the opportunity to play the role of protector, uniting the three regions along the Rhine River and leaving no room for the opposition to infiltrate.
Although the princes of the Rhineland complained about the Emperor's indulgence of Burgundy, when it came time to fight, the only thing they could rely on was the Emperor's protection.
This time, the Emperor did not disappoint them; he actually turned against his old ally and, relying on the Imperial Army organized in Upper Rhine, Swabia, and Outer Austria, forced back the people of Burgundy.
Now the Emperor had completely proven his determination and ability to protect the Imperial Estates, and the western part of the Empire was tightly united under the Emperor's banner due to the panic caused by Burgundy.
In the east, the Elector of Brandenburg had intended to make a trip himself to spread the wave of opposition into Franconia, but the Imperial Army swept through Franconia like a tsunami, destroying and reshaping the Order of the region, directly causing the Elector's plan to die in the cradle.
Now, Upper Saxony was being watched closely by the army of Bohemia, and Lower Saxony had to endure the ravages of the Emperor's lackeys; now, they too could not withstand the pressure and were about to yield.
If things continued this way, by the time Christmas passed, the forces opposing reform within the Empire would likely collapse.
By then, it would be incredibly easy for the Emperor to deal with them.
Even if the two Electors wanted to seek help from external forces, it would not be so easy at this moment.
In the east, Poland, Lithuania, and the Teutonic Order were already fighting tooth and nail; although Kazimierz IV was powerful, he could not take the fortified city of Warsaw in the short term.
Moreover, he had to divide his troops to rescue Samogitia, which was being invaded by the Order, and he could not establish an absolute advantage on the front against the Polish King Konrad.
With the arrival of winter, both sides temporarily fell into a stalemate.
In the western part of the Empire, the Emperor's two major headaches, France and Burgundy, had resumed hostilities due to the death of Charles VIII, and it seemed unlikely to end anytime soon.
Charles of Burgundy led his army into Paris, while Louis XI, despite being at a disadvantage in terms of troop strength, very steadily stationed his troops in Orléans, hoping that the other two armies would make some progress first.
If nothing unexpected happened, both sides would endure the entire winter in endless looting and small-scale skirmishes, until one side chose to take the initiative to break the current stalemate.
The only person capable of interfering in Imperial affairs, the King of Denmark, was currently entangled in domestic affairs; his centralization reforms had triggered some rebellions, and it was claimed that these disloyal elements were backed by foreign forces.
Now, the King of Denmark was overwhelmed by the rebellions breaking out across Denmark and Sweden.
Looking around the Empire, Elector Ernst realized that he might have to shoulder the banner of opposition against the Emperor alone.
Under such difficult circumstances, his family members also had significant disagreements with him, especially his younger brother, the Duke of Saxony, who had publicly criticized his foolish actions of opposing the Emperor many times.
The Duke, loyal to the Emperor, chose to stand on the side of the family in Augsburg, which caused him great torment.
When he found that the situation in the Empire was quickly stabilizing and that the opposition was being targeted one after another, he began to persuade his eldest brother and his uncle, the Count of Thuringia, to change their stance.
However, neither of them listened to his advice, which caused the Duke of Saxony to gradually waver in his heart amidst pain and confusion.
The Elector certainly saw the changes in his brother, which also influenced his own stance, and his will to oppose the Emperor was no longer as firm as before.
Lübeck, City Council Hall.
Unlike the gloomy Saxony, this Free City located on the northern frontier of the Empire was cheering for one victory after another.
"The Duke of Mecklenburg has withdrawn the troops threatening the border of Lübeck, and piracy has also subsided." Mayor Wittig Berthold introduced the latest situation to the dozen or so councilors seated around the long table.
The expectant councilors breathed a sigh of relief.
"If not for the full support of His Majesty the Emperor, I really don't know how we would have survived this crisis."
"It was not in vain that we paid the Emperor so much annuity; in half a year, the Emperor issued five or six edicts in succession, finally making that greedy Duke of Mecklenburg soften his stance."
Hearing this, the mayor shook his head: "Regrettably, gentlemen, although the Duke of Mecklenburg has ceased hostile actions, he has not stopped taxing our merchants."
"What? Does he not worry about the Emperor's punishment at all?"
Those present were basically the largest shipowners in Lübeck, and what they cared about most were the various privileges enjoyed by the merchants of Lübeck.
The Emperor had already issued repeated injunctions; they really couldn't imagine how the Duke of Mecklenburg could be so bold.
"According to news from our business partners in Rostock, the Duke of Mecklenburg intends to support the Emperor in Imperial affairs in exchange for a fair ruling from the Imperial Court. That Duke claims that the tariffs he levies on the merchants of Lübeck are not as heavy as we say, and that his purpose in collecting taxes is merely to maintain and expand the port, and to promote the prosperity of trade."
"Absurd! He is eager to levy heavy taxes on all goods far exceeding conventional standards; isn't that just to satisfy his own selfish desires?"
"But what if the Emperor is deceived by his lies?"
The councilors discussed with some concern.
Mayor Wittig leaned back in his chair, his hand, trembling with age, gripping the ornate pendant on his chest; it was a precious ornament made of multiple gold rings strung together.
The councilors present were all wearing the same ornament—this was the symbol of the Circle Brotherhood.
A hundred years ago, this small religious society emerged in Lübeck, and after a brief development, it quickly became the exclusive society for Lübeck's aristocratic oligarchy.
Only those merchants with the most wealth and influence were qualified to become one of the many circles.
"Castorp." The mayor suddenly called out a name.
"Mr. Mayor, do you have an idea?"
"As you travel to Vienna as an envoy this time, you may need to undertake a more important mission. Not only must you request His Majesty the Emperor to recognize and protect our Circle Brotherhood, but you must also prove to His Majesty the value of Lübeck to the Empire; we must absolutely not let the Duke of Mecklenburg's treacherous scheme succeed."
"I worry that the Emperor will not be easily convinced by a few empty words."
"We can increase the amount of the annuity in exchange for the Emperor's firm protection of Lübeck's commercial privileges."
The old mayor's proposal did not provoke any opposition; after all, rather than letting the Duke of Mecklenburg levy tariffs on them, it was better to give the money to the Empire.
The Emperor had already stood up for Lübeck so strongly; how could they not show some appreciation?
"If it's about business, feel free to leave it to me." As a strong contender for the next mayor position, Councilman Castorp, known for his business acumen, said confidently.
The mayor nodded and then turned to the next topic.
"The trouble with Mecklenburg has been solved; next is Oldenburg, which is mainly handled by our allies. The expeditionary fleet of Hamburg has previously captured several ports of Oldenburg. The Count of Oldenburg has softened his stance, and the Emperor may mediate this war next."
"Then we should also prepare to convene the League assembly in Order to secure more benefits during the peace talks."
"Piracy must be completely eradicated, and it would be best to get port docking permits and trade privileges in Oldenburg."
The councilors were calculating how to squeeze the Count of Oldenburg for all he was worth.
This should have been the most difficult war they faced, but who would have thought that the Count of Oldenburg would inexplicably become a discarded pawn? The Hanseatic League even focused its main military strength on the pirate war against the English, and even then, Oldenburg didn't last long before being beaten to the point where he could only beg the Emperor for help.
"Then, the matter of Oldenburg will be discussed in detail at the next League assembly. Gentlemen, the good news is over; next are a few pieces of bad news." Mayor Wittig's words caused the previously somewhat noisy council hall to quiet down.
The atmosphere, which had been somewhat festive, suddenly cooled down.
"Our poor compatriots, who were imprisoned in London, were executed not long ago by the shameless and cruel English."
The dispute between the Hanseatic League and England, triggered by merchants from Cologne, ultimately led to tragedy.
Originally, it started with Cologne merchants engaging in some improper commercial competition in the markets of London; the English took the opportunity to try to reduce the commercial privileges of the Hanseatic League, and later the dispute gradually expanded to the sea.
Four English merchant ships were attacked after entering the Baltic Sea, and none survived.
Although the explanation given by Lübeck was that it was the Danes who did it, and the Emperor also tried to mediate the still-fermenting dispute, the English still chose to escalate the conflict.
They arrested all Hanseatic League merchants doing business in London, confiscated their property and goods, and then attempted to bypass the Hanseatic League to trade directly with cities like Danzig on the eastern coast of the Baltic Sea.
This directly led to the outbreak of war between the Hanseatic League and England; cities like Danzig and Riga, under pressure, chose to temporarily terminate trade with the English side, but at the same time did not provide more aid to the League.
Now, ships from Lübeck and Hamburg were raiding English merchant ships at sea, and the Danes would sometimes take the opportunity to stab them in the back; the trade routes from the North Sea to the Baltic Sea had become a complete mess.
The English, driven to desperation by the attacks, directly executed the Hanseatic merchants they had imprisoned; clearly, there was no turning back for either side.
After a brief moment of silence for the victims, the mayor threw out another sad piece of news: "Our three caravans heading to Bohemia were attacked near Dresden; all goods were lost, and among the members of the caravans, only a few survivors remained, and they claimed that it was the Count of Hohenstein who looted the caravans."
"The Count of Hohenstein?"
"Isn't that the lackey of the Elector of Saxony?"
"Damn bastard, this is a contempt for the Empire's peace, a trampling on the Emperor's majesty!"
"Let's appeal, Mr. Mayor; not only must we recover the lost property, but we must also make those despicable robbers pay the price!"
The councilors were indignant; they were well aware of the conflict between the Emperor and the Elector of Saxony, and these robberies were very likely instigated by the Elector, intended to strike at them, the firm supporters of the Emperor.
If this matter were to be brought to the Imperial Court, the Emperor would certainly uphold justice for them.
"Then let His Majesty the Emperor preside over justice," the mayor immediately pulled out the last document, "The last matter: not long ago, our bailiff caught two criminals in the city; they committed unjust murder within the city and were sentenced to hanging by the city court. However, these two claimed to be servants of the Marshal of the Kingdom of Denmark, Gottschalk Bastken. Now is a sensitive period; to handle this matter, we are afraid we have to consider the attitude of the King of Denmark. What do you all think about this?"
"What is there to hesitate about? Murderers should be hanged directly."
"Yes, anyway, His Majesty the Emperor will protect us. It hasn't been long since the matter of Dithmarschen, a new member of the League; even those poor farmers could receive the Emperor's sympathy and protection, not to mention how many crises the Emperor has already helped us through."
If it were a year ago, the councilors of Lübeck would definitely not have dared to be so presumptuous.
At that time, their enemies were almost all over Northern Europe, and the Emperor seemed not to care much about the affairs of the North, only giving some special care to Lübeck.
Now, the enemies had been dealt with one by one, and the haze covering Lübeck was gradually dissipating.
What Electors, what Kings of Denmark; as long as they had the Emperor's backing, was there anyone they dared not offend?
"Good, then let the Danes see that the Empire is not a place where they can run amok."
The mayor and the councilors subsequently signed the judgment document, and later that day, the two Danes who committed crimes in Lübeck were publicly executed.
Afterward, Lübeck's envoy also left the city, embarking on the long journey to Vienna.
The documents he carried were all about the troubles caused by the people of Lübeck relying on the Emperor's favor, and of course, some were about the targeting they suffered because they supported the Emperor.
Laszlo, who was far away in Vienna personally presiding over the All-Austria Conference, had no idea that the ability of the Hanseatic League, led by Lübeck, to cause trouble had actually far exceeded his imagination.
Next, he would have to clean up the mess for the people of Lübeck like an old father, resolving a series of disputes arising from conflicts of stance and interest.
Vienna.
As Christmas approached, people began decorating their homes, churches, and streets, and the New Year market in Vienna was as lively as ever.
A peaceful and prosperous life like this had gradually become the norm for the people of Vienna.
Laszlo, who had single-handedly fostered Vienna's prosperity, had just successfully renewed the "Adjournment Agreement" at the recently concluded All-Austria Conference by using a mix of kindness and severity, securing Austria's tax base for the next decade.
Laszlo had originally intended to use this conference to directly attempt to strip the Imperial Estates of their power to consent to taxation, thereafter reducing them to mere tools for the royal government to apportion taxes.
However, after careful analysis, he finally abandoned this somewhat dangerous idea due to the unanimous opposition of his ministers.
Not to mention that more than half of the officials in the government at all levels, from central to local, came from the various Imperial Estates assemblies, and even the Austrian army was not lacking in the influence of the Imperial Estates.
As the saying goes, one move affects the whole body; in the absence of external pressure, Laszlo was truly worried that Austria, his power base, would be the first to erupt in a wave of resistance against his rule.
After all, in the Austria before he arrived, from the clergy and nobility down to the lowest peasants, who had ever caught a glimpse of the glory of autocratic rule?
Whether dealing with the various Imperial Estates within Austria or handling the Imperial Estates of the empire, Laszlo's attitude was always cautious and gentle, so as not to provoke strong resistance.
However, when dealing with the nobles in the Hungarian Parliament, Laszlo's approach was much more radical—it was only in Hungary that he found it necessary to employ all sorts of extreme measures; otherwise, he would never be able to suppress the Hungarians' strong tendency toward local autonomy.
Implementing policies according to local conditions and building diplomatic networks was the strategy Laszlo always adhered to.
Some might not understand the distorted political ecology of the Habsburg Monarchy, but he could not ignore it and act recklessly.
Only when Austria was truly strong enough to dominate the affairs of the Holy Roman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy would the situation gradually change, such as at this very moment.
The Ottoman Empire had been driven back, the Kingdom of France was mired in war, and it had even dragged in the Kingdom of Burgundy, which had recently revealed itself as a threat.
Poland and Denmark, even at their peak, were not to be feared by him, let alone now, when Eastern Europe was caught in a three-way melee and Northern Europe was plagued by constant rebellions, leaving them with no time to interfere in the empire.
For Laszlo, the current opportunity was truly a vast world where much could be accomplished.
Just as he was feeling proud and ready to reorganize the empire, a series of disturbances in the north of the empire left him a bit dumbfounded.
Hofburg Palace, the Emperor's office.
An enthusiastic Laszlo sat at one end of the desk opposite the worried-looking Archbishop of Mainz, with several scribes and advisors nearby, ready to offer suggestions on how to handle imperial affairs.
"Your Majesty, our fears have truly become reality—your advice and constraints have failed to curb the swelling ambitions of the princes."
Archbishop Adolf let out a heavy sigh, clutching a stack of documents and petitions submitted to the Imperial Privy Council, his expression one of helplessness.
"What is it? Adolf, my Chancellor, what is there now that is worth us sighing over?"
Laszlo had just resolved the periodic issues within Austria and was now preparing with ease to deal with the various imperial affairs he had imagined.
Based on past experience, he believed he could rely on his abundant energy to solve the various intractable problems within the empire.
"Violence, Your Majesty, unchecked violence; everything that is happening now is leading things in the worst possible direction."
Because the Archbishop's emotions had suddenly become agitated, his body could not withstand it for a moment, and he could not help but cough heavily a few times.
This made Laszlo's previously relaxed expression disappear, replaced by a look of seriousness mixed with a hint of confusion as he gazed at the Archbishop.
"The worst direction? Has another war broken out?"
"It will soon, if you do not stop it."
The Archbishop pulled out two documents and placed them in front of the Emperor.
"The two brothers of the Riedesel family have been continuously attacking the Thuringian border in recent months, plundering caravans, and raiding villages and towns. Not only has the territory of William III, Count of Thuringia, suffered damage, but the merchants of the Imperial Free City of Mühlhausen have also incurred losses."
"Regarding the handling of these two appeal documents, a dispute arose between the Imperial Court of Justice in Cologne and the Imperial Court of Justice in Magdeburg, and it was ultimately submitted to the Supreme Court in Vienna."
"The Riedesel family? I have never heard of this family..."
Laszlo was confused; judging from the description alone, this should just be an ordinary case of Robber Knights.
Attacking Thuringian territory—since the House of Wettin stood in opposition to him, he might turn a blind eye to such behavior—but if it harmed an Imperial Free City, the matter could probably not be simply brushed aside.
"The members of this family have been vassals of the House of Hesse for over a hundred years, and these two brothers and their men were recently dispatched by the Landgrave of Hesse to participate in the War of the Succession of Lorraine and the campaign against the Robber Knights in Franconia."
Speaking of the House of Hesse, the Archbishop rarely expressed any feelings of disgust.
Shortly after the end of the Hessian Brothers' War, the mercenary army of the House of Hesse had attacked his fief and ransacked the villages affiliated with the Fulda Abbey.
After the Cologne Incident and this war of attacking Lorraine, the House of Hesse similarly did not give up this opportunity to display the family and military tradition.
More than a year ago, the Hessian army had just ransacked the Duchy of Westphalia, and now the troops returning from the battlefield had begun to attack the territory of the imperial opposition.
Rather than saying the cause of such vicious incidents was the Landgrave of Hesse's loyalty to the Emperor, it was more that the House of Hesse had always handled their troops in this way when they could not or would not easily disband them after assembly.
"This is a bit tricky."
Laszlo rested his chin in his hand, realizing that he had indeed seemed to think of the empire's troubles too simply before.
For the past month, he had been focused on handling Austria's internal administration and development, occasionally taking time to accompany his wife and pay attention to his children's education; life had been quite comfortable.
Every so often, battlefield intelligence from Poland, Asia Minor, and France could bring some different kind of pleasure to his life, even making him almost forget the pain and struggle that the empire, that collection of all troubles, had brought him in the past.
"What is the dispute between the Cologne Court and the Magdeburg Court about?"
"The Chief Justice of the Cologne Court is the brother of the Landgrave of Hesse; naturally, he advocates for a lenient sentence, intending to shield the robbers who committed the crimes."
"The Chief Justice of the Magdeburg Court is on good terms with the Elector of Saxony, so out of consideration for the face of the Elector's uncle, the Count of Thuringia, he intends to impose the heaviest penalty."
"Since this case is a typical cross-regional dispute, it could only be accepted by the Imperial Court of Justice in Vienna. The judgments from the two regional courts have been submitted together, and the Imperial Chancellor, Bishop John, cannot easily make a ruling, so he hopes to seek your opinion."
Judicial justice in the feudal era could only be said to be a matter of opinion.
In reality, what affected the sentencing results were conflicts of interest, a point that could not be avoided no matter what.
"Hmm... Harassing Thuringian territory is morally condemnable, but in terms of imperial law, it does not constitute a crime, because that place is an extraterritorial land that refuses to fulfill imperial obligations."
"As for the Free City of Mühlhausen, since it has suffered unprovoked disaster, it can only be compensated."
"I will make such a ruling in accordance with imperial law—order the Riedesel brothers to compensate the City of Mühlhausen for all losses, including goods and other economic losses, and require them to compensate and apologize to the families of the dead and injured."
"In addition, impose a fine of 50 marks of silver on them, half to be collected by the Imperial Court and half to be compensated to the City of Mühlhausen, and order them to cease all violent acts."
"Afterwards, I will issue an imperial edict to the Landgrave of Hesse, commanding him to supervise the execution of this judgment."
If those who committed this series of brutal acts were Robber Knights who had not paid the public donation tax, Laszlo would absolutely not spare the lives of such scourges to harm more people.
However, the perpetrators are clearly under the protection of the Landgrave of Hesse, which means they are subjects bound by imperial law, so in this case, discretionary sentencing is very important.
"Your Majesty, I cannot tell whether you are stopping or encouraging such behavior."
The Archbishop harbored doubts about the Emperor's sentencing, but it was strictly in accordance with imperial law, so he had nothing to refute.
"Of course it is to stop it, didn't we establish this shortly after the Augsburg conference?"
"Yes, which is why I said our concerns have unfortunately come true," the Archbishop shook his head and pulled out another document with extremely angry wording. "Take a look at this, the Count of Mansfeld, directly under the Empire, your loyal supporter in Upper Saxony, recently led his army to capture the Walbeck Abbey and expelled the Abbess and her entourage.
There are three points of concern here: first, a secular Imperial Estate has encroached upon religious territory; second, Walbeck Abbey is properly under the jurisdiction of Rome, and during this incident, the new Abbess was en route to the Holy See with her nuns and clergy to receive her investiture; third, the new Abbess, Heide von Wettin, is the own sister of the Elector of Saxony!"
The Archbishop handed the Elector of Saxony's furious letter to the Emperor. Laszlo was stunned at first, then quickly scanned the contents of the letter.
Just from the text, he could feel that the Elector of Saxony was beyond furious.
Although the Elector dared not openly accuse the Emperor of orchestrating this, the suspicion in his tone was readable by anyone who could read.
The Abbess, Heide, who was just in her early twenties, was currently hiding in Leipzig with the clergy who followed her, waiting for her brother to seek justice for her.
To be honest, Laszlo had ten thousand "WTF"s in his heart that he didn't know whether to say or not.
This Count of Mansfeld is truly a piece of work; his territory is sandwiched between Thuringia, Saxony, and Magdeburg, yet he still dared to expel the Elector's sister.
Moreover, according to the letter, if Heide had not happened to be away from the abbey at the time, her life would have been in danger.
Even Charles, who is called "the Rash," is probably not as rash as this Count, right?
His confidence stems from the fact that he paid the Imperial public donation tax and is protected by the Emperor, while the abbey he attacked does not bear Imperial obligations because it is under the protection of the Elector of Saxony.
"This..."
"Your Majesty, the Elector of Saxony has also sent an envoy to state his position. He is willing to come to Vienna to discuss the issues of imperial reform and the public donation tax with you in person, and hopes that you can issue an imperial safe-conduct pass.
Regarding the issue of the Count of Mansfeld, he proposed a solution: as long as you forgive the atrocities of the Count of Hohenstein, he will forgive the actions of the Count of Mansfeld—provided that both parties make compensation for their actions."
"Wait a minute, what atrocities of the Count of Hohenstein?" Laszlo touched his forehead, feeling his temples throbbing, never stopping.
"This is a petition from the Lübeck City Council; their three merchant caravans were robbed and killed near Dresden by the Count of Hohenstein, who is a vassal of the Elector of Saxony."
"In other words, the Count of Mansfeld returns the abbey, the Count of Hohenstein compensates for Lübeck's losses, and that's the end of it?"
Laszlo felt that this proposal was a loss for him, even though neither count was a good person.
The Archbishop noticed the Emperor's hesitation and lowered his voice to remind him: "The Elector of Saxony is considering appealing to Rome. Even if you have a close relationship with the Pope, the College of Cardinals cannot let the Count of Mansfeld go unpunished. I fear the minimum penalty would be excommunication.
That Count insists he is your most loyal vassal. This matter will likely be detrimental to your reputation and will also affect the stance of the Imperial Church."
Attacking an abbey directly under Rome, getting excommunicated is only natural.
The key is that this guy did these terrible things himself, and in the end, he dragged Laszlo into it. Laszlo now feels as disgusted as if he had been hit by bird droppings while walking down the street.
"No, no, these two matters are separate. Although Lübeck has also gotten into a lot of trouble, at least they are in the right, and I must protect the rights of the Free City.
As for the conflict between the Count of Mansfeld and Walbeck Abbey, I will issue a ruling after I have communicated with the Elector and the Holy See—before that, make that bastard return the abbey's property first!"
Laszlo had recovered from his chaotic thoughts and realized that the Elector of Saxony intended to muddle through, so he quickly rejected this proposal to smooth things over.
Since that Elector intends to talk to him, it means that Saxony is almost unable to withstand the endless malice from the surrounding small princes and the Imperial Estates, so Laszlo must keep the initiative in his own hands.
Whether it is the Lübeck case or the Count of Mansfeld case, the specific verdict depends on whether the Elector is obedient enough.
"A wise decision, Your Majesty."
The Archbishop nodded with satisfaction and then pulled out another stack of documents; judging by the thickness, it was clearly more than the many imperial documents that had been piled up before.
"And what is this?"
"Various documents submitted by Lübeck, including a summary of the many privileges of the Hanseatic League, and the handling of the internal division of the League after the Utrecht assembly;
whether the surrounding princes respect their privileges—which emphasizes the illegal acts of the Duke of Mecklenburg in despising their privileges; this document is placed together with the petition of the Duke of Mecklenburg;
the war in Oldenburg and the petition sent by the nephew of the Count of Oldenburg, as well as the letter of commitment from the Count agreeing to shoulder imperial obligations;
the cross-border judicial dispute between Lübeck and Denmark, and the ongoing war with England—they are seeking your help regarding all of the above matters."
The Archbishop had barely read halfway through when Laszlo was already exasperated.
Lübeck is indeed tough; relying only on his support and some substantial aid, they survived the most difficult moments. Now those Hanseatic merchants are trying to create the next desperate situation themselves, and then wait for the Emperor's help to break the deadlock.
If they can survive the setbacks brought by England and Denmark, and then find a way to restore trade in Novgorod, then it is entirely possible for the Hanseatic League to experience a second spring.
And Laszlo is now almost treated by the people of Lübeck as an omnipotent wish-granting machine; as long as they can't hold on, they come to Vienna to beg for an imperial edict.
Although the Emperor's edicts are often not accompanied by substantial action, no one dares to doubt the Emperor's ability to take action to execute his edicts.
Just look at how the Kingdom of France was beaten to a pulp by the Emperor a few years ago.
The Imperial Army will not be easily dispatched now; instead, it is the armies of the vassal states and the Emperor's supporters that are mobilized more frequently, and the most powerful Austrian legions have gradually created a strategic deterrent.
Laszlo looked at the pile of imperial documents sent by the Lübeckers, turned his head to the attendant beside him with some mental exhaustion, and asked: "I remember that later today, the envoy from Lübeck will come to the palace for an audience?"
"Yes, Your Majesty."
"Then we'll talk about it when the time comes."
Unconsciously, the Emperor and the Imperial Chancellor had been sitting here talking for more than two hours, and the clerk on the side had also recorded pages full of conversation content.
Seeing that the Emperor could no longer hold out, Archbishop Adolf did not take out the remaining stack of documents sent from other imperial regions that required the Emperor's personal ruling.
If it were in the past, the Emperor would definitely have handled all matters with great energy, and might even have made time to learn about the situation in Austria or the East.
Now the Archbishop also understood the reason why the Emperor was eager to cultivate the King of Rome, Christopher.
However, the King of Rome, who is still gaining experience in the provinces, is obviously unable to immediately share too much pressure for the Emperor; he is only tasked with handling affairs in Swabia, parts of the Upper Rhine, and Burgundy.
Although those thorny Imperial affairs constantly troubled Laszlo, he ultimately chose to resolve them properly one by one.
There was no special reason; after all, who made him shoulder the title of "Emperor"?
To wear the crown, one must bear its weight; that was generally how it went.
When meeting with the envoys from Lübeck shortly thereafter, Laszlo approved most of their requests, including recognizing the Circle Brotherhood, composed of Lübeck's merchant nobility, as a legitimate religious association of the Empire, and even permitting them to use the double-headed eagle emblem on the organization's insignia.
To him, this was merely a matter of a single decree, but for those wealthy men of Lübeck, this was the best amulet and proof of their elevated status.
Thus, Laszlo became the practical protector of Lübeck—not protecting the Free City as Emperor, but protecting the Lübeck merchant nobility who submitted to him as their sovereign.
This was almost the simplest request Laszlo had to deal with; what followed were disputes, large and small, between Lübeck and a vast number of forces both within and outside the Empire.
Regarding the dispute triggered by the punishment of Danes in Lübeck, Laszlo appointed the Bishop of Lübeck, Albert, as his representative to refute a series of unreasonable demands made by the King of Denmark under the pretext of the incident, and even personally wrote a letter threatening the King of Denmark, advising him not to act rashly.
Judging from the subsequent results, the Emperor's strategy was successful. Just like when dealing with the Dithmarschen issue, the King of Denmark, whose internal rule was unstable, chose to back down once again, which in turn sparked dissatisfaction among a faction of Danish ministers led by the Danish Marshal, exacerbating the unrest within Denmark.
As for the war between the Hanseatic League and England, Laszlo proposed that they contact Edward IV, who was leading the restoration army in northern England.
If the League could provide assistance to the down-and-out Edward, once Edward successfully restored his rule, the Hanseatic League's privileges could be restored to their original state.
When discussing the internal divisions within the Hanseatic League, Lübeck's envoy, Castorp, appeared particularly worried.
The Rhine city circle, led by Cologne, had already become estranged from the League, and eastern cities like Danzig also had serious disagreements with cities like Lübeck due to the England issue.
After all, the people of Lübeck only did some reselling business, acting as middlemen to earn the price difference, but the dozen or so cities of the Prussian League truly gathered goods from the interior of Eastern Europe, and merchants from the Low Countries and England were their most important buyers.
Now, it was bad; the cities of the Low Countries were eradicating the influence of the Hanseatic League, and England had directly gone to war with the League; remaining in the League was almost no longer profitable.
It wasn't just the Bruges General Chamber of Commerce in the Low Countries and the London General Chamber of Commerce in England; the remaining two of the Hanseatic League's four major general chambers of commerce, the Bergen General Chamber of Commerce in Norway and the Novgorod General Chamber of Commerce in the north, were also having a hard time.
Not to mention Bergen; although under the rule of the King of Denmark, Hanseatic merchants still held an absolute advantage there, affectionately called "Imperial devils" by the local merchants.
As for Novgorod, ever since it was made a vassal by Grand Prince Ivan III of Moscow more than a year ago, it had become increasingly difficult for Hanseatic merchants to do business.
Ivan III had publicly expressed his dissatisfaction and contempt for the Hanseatic League many times. He repeatedly demanded that the League sever trade with countries like Sweden, Denmark, and Lithuania, yet this was clearly unrealistic.
Once he completely controlled Novgorod, the Hanseatic League would likely lose their core stronghold on the northern shore of the Baltic Sea forever.
Regarding the suggestion Laszlo casually made about strengthening institutionalization to achieve reorganization, Castorp shook his head with a bitter smile and briefly described some very classic cases to the Emperor.
The difficulty of integrating the Hanseatic League was likely not much different from the Emperor pushing for Imperial reform.
Even excluding member cities from other regions, just looking at Lübeck, Hamburg, Bremen, and the Wendish cities, it was unlikely they could achieve institutional improvement.
At League assemblies held in recent years, there had been many instances where envoys left in anger due to seating disputes.
Even Bremen, a founding member of the League, had been involved in such disputes.
The representative of Bremen had once felt so ashamed and indignant because the Speaker of Lübeck placed the representatives of Hamburg and Cologne on his left and right, making the old ally Bremen equal to the newly joined Dortmund, that he left the assembly site shortly after the meeting began, which directly caused the effectiveness of that assembly to be greatly reduced.
Ranking seats at the Imperial Diet, ranking seats at regional assemblies; when legitimate Imperial organizations held meetings, they had to rank seats as well.
Once not arranged well, it would lead to quarrels at best, and friends and relatives becoming enemies at worst.
Regarding this, Laszlo could only sigh that seat politics was indeed the core technology of the Empire, as it could be so smoothly applied to all derivative organizations of the Empire.
From the several bitter cases cited by Castorp, Laszlo could see that the looseness of this League even exceeded that of the Empire.
Moreover, the representatives of Lübeck had proposed establishing a register, perfecting military alliance clauses, and establishing a coordinating body for the League at many assemblies over the past twenty years, but these proposals were all rejected by an overwhelming number of negative votes without exception.
Up until now, the military defense alliance of the Hanseatic League could not exert its full effect at critical moments; the only city that had truly faithfully fulfilled its alliance obligations to assist Lübeck from beginning to end was Hamburg.
Regrettably, Laszlo could only provide them with limited assistance; at the current stage, he had no mind to interfere too much in northern affairs, having neither the energy nor the resources.
Fortunately, the Hanseatic League was still quite capable of fighting. Although with the strengthening of the power of Burgundy, England, Moscow, Denmark, and the lords of northern Empire, the member cities of the League were gradually losing their freedom and being forced to leave the League, the North German city circle with Lübeck as its core was still relatively stable.
After Laszlo rejected the appeal of the Duke of Mecklenburg and confirmed the full trade privileges of Lübeck, this city circle might even become more resilient than before.
On the other side, the Count of Oldenburg, who had been beaten until he was fleeing in panic, ultimately returned to the ranks of the Emperor's faction, choosing to accept the mediation and judicial ruling of the Emperor's special envoy.
The pirates who had committed the crimes were all beheaded, and the heads of the pirate leaders were divided into two batches, sent to the ports of Hamburg and Lübeck respectively, and hung on towering wooden stakes for public display—this was an old tradition of the Hanseatic League for dealing with pirates over the past hundred years.
The Count of Oldenburg was forced to pay compensation and fines and opened two ports to the Hanseatic League fleet; on the premise of paying the full amount of public donation tax, the Count barely managed to keep his territory.
Next was a major case that did not involve a large scope but had a very profound impact, namely the case of the Count of Hohnstein hijacking and killing a Lübeck caravan.
Laszlo gave a very serious verdict on this case, directly imposing an Imperial ban on the Count of Hohnstein, stripping him of all power over Imperial subjects, including the right to tax and judicial power.
However, to slightly accommodate the attitude of the Elector of Saxony, Laszlo did not take this matter to the extreme.
In the final penalty document, he required the Count who participated in the looting of the Lübeck caravan to stop all private warfare against Lübeck and other Imperial Estates within nine days of receiving the document.
The Count of Hohnstein needed to return all looted property and compensate for Lübeck's losses.
In addition, he had to pay a fine of 100 marks of gold at the highest specification of the "imperial code," an amount equivalent to a huge sum of about 7,000 florins.
The Count might not have had so much money in his savings from the past ten years, and whether he could obtain the forgiveness of the Lübeck City Council and citizens was also a big problem.
From the attitude of the Lübeck envoy, Laszlo knew that the people of Lübeck would rather risk not being able to recover the lost property than let this Count who trampled on Imperial law receive an Imperial ban.
Three other edicts were sent to the northern part of the Empire, handed over to the Duke of Brunswick, the Landgrave of Hesse, and the officials of the Archbishop of Mainz in his northern fiefs respectively.
The territories of these three loyalist princes were not far from the territory of the Count of Hohnstein, and they had sufficient motivation to enforce the Imperial ban and try the criminals for the Emperor.
As for the conflict that might break out with the Elector of Saxony during the process of enforcing the ban—if the Elector really dared to fight back, then the northern princes would have the opportunity to see the combat power of the Imperial Army with their own eyes.
The penalty for the Count of Hohnstein would obviously cause the Elector of Saxony to feel a sense of crisis, so Laszlo soon made a ruling on the case of the Count of Mansfeld as well.
In the documents given to all parties involved, Laszlo announced that the Elector's sister would be under his personal protection, and immediately demanded that the Count of Mansfeld return the abbey's property and make symbolic compensation.
Rome, under Laszlo's patient "persuasion," reluctantly accepted such a verdict.
Such obvious differential treatment caused an uproar within the Empire.
The Count of Mansfeld, whose guilt was obviously heavier, did not have to bear too much responsibility for attacking "extra-legal territory" because he was bound and protected by "imperial code".
While the Count of Hohnstein, who merely looted caravans as if eating and drinking, directly suffered the harshest punishment because he was in the completely opposite position.
These two cases, which were relatively close in time and space, intuitively showed all Imperial Estates the difference between paying public donation tax and not paying it—it was by no means just as simple as being extorted by the Emperor for nothing as the opposition claimed.
Very quickly, both groups began to stir.
The Imperial Estates that supported the Emperor were now eyeing the surrounding "extra-legal lands" covetously, while those who stood on the same side as the opposition Elector could not care about ten years or taxation in the critical situation of being surrounded by wolves.
In the end, the Imperial Estates that had supported the Emperor from the beginning maintained their original tax amounts and troops, while the various Imperial Princes who returned to the Imperial system starting with the Duke of Baden were required to pay more donation taxes when they were re-entered into the Imperial register.
There was no way; the Empire's three major central institutions were becoming increasingly perfect, and it was not simple to maintain their operation without levying more taxes.
Throughout the twelve days of the New Year festival, Imperial Princes continuously sent envoys to surrender to the Emperor.
Supporters of the Elector of Saxony, such as the Count of Henneberg and the Prince of Anhalt, all expressed submission to the Emperor for the sake of their own life and property safety.
It was no wonder they were so panicked; after all, the Count of Hohnstein, who was in the same region as them and under the protection of the Elector of Saxony, had failed to grasp the nine-day repentance period given to him by the Emperor, and now the armies of Hesse and Brunswick had already invaded the Count of Hohnstein's territory.
What was even more demoralizing was that the general sent by Hesse happened to be the eldest of the Riedesel brothers.
This pair of brothers had previously led a Hessian army to continuously harass the Thuringian border, and was eventually forced to cease activities because of accidentally injuring the Free City's caravan. Now they had transformed from criminals violating Imperial law into enforcers of Imperial law.
Facing the attack of the two princes' armies under the Imperial banner, the Count of Hohnstein was completely unable to resist.
And the Elector of Saxony who stood behind him finally made a choice at the critical moment—he took his brother, the Duke of Saxony, Albert, and left Saxony together, heading south to meet with the Elector of Brandenburg. Subsequently, these Imperial dignitaries traveled together across half of the Empire and arrived in Vienna, visiting the Emperor's court.
At the beginning of the New Year in 1474, Laszlo had just returned to work when he was greeted by such distinguished guests.
Someone suggested that he let the two Electors wait outside the palace for a few hours, but Laszlo rejected such a malicious suggestion.
He was not that kind of mean person. In a situation where things had already turned around, he preferred to "conquer people with virtue."
Hofburg Palace, Audience Hall.
Laszlo sat high on the Imperial throne, accompanied by the young yet dignified Empress.
Standing on the left and right of the court were the officials of the Imperial Privy Council and the ministers of the Austrian government. In addition, there were several Imperial dignitaries temporarily staying in the Emperor's court, such as the Elector of Bavaria, Albert.
This Elector came to Vienna mainly to finalize the details of the marriage with the Emperor, to gain some understanding of Princess Helena, and at the same time to take care of his younger brother who worked in the court.
Just because he stayed in Vienna for a while, the Elector of Bavaria also caught such an exciting play.
In this Audience Hall of the Hofburg Palace, which could not be called magnificent, the Archbishop of Mainz, the Elector of Bavaria, the Elector of Saxony, the Elector of Brandenburg, and the Emperor himself, who also served as the King of Bohemia—a total of five Electors gathered together.
Such an assembly could even be called a formal Elector assembly decades ago.
However, the scene of this meeting was completely different from the scene in the past where everyone sat around a round table and discussed harmoniously.
Excluding the Elector of Bavaria who was called to watch the play, the rest were the Emperor's trusted subordinates. The two teams led by the Archbishop of Mainz and the Archbishop of Vienna thus strongly watched the two embarrassed Electors and the Duke of Saxony following behind them.
From the perspective of the Elector of Bavaria, if he were standing in the center of the Audience Hall being scrutinized by a group of people like this, he would probably be so embarrassed that he wouldn't know how to conduct himself.
Obviously, the three people hanging their heads in front of the Emperor felt the same way.
Seeing this, the Elector of Bavaria couldn't help but shake his head with a light laugh.
If they had known it would come to this, why act that way in the first place?
Was the Emperor's determination to push for reform so easily shaken?
Instead of resisting, it was better to join the Emperor's camp early. Before it actually reached that point, it was difficult for him to even give birth to the idea of resisting the Emperor.
The unification of Bavaria, and his position as Elector, although inseparable from the unremitting efforts of him and his brother, was more of the Emperor's gift.
In the past, the one most favored by the Emperor should have been the Elector of Brandenburg who stood on the wrong side, but now Wittelsbach had replaced Hohenzollern as the Emperor's closest ally, and the Elector of Bavaria would even become the Emperor's son-in-law soon.
Which is more important, choice or effort? This is a question worth discussing.
Thinking this way, the Elector of Bavaria cast a playful look at the Elector of Brandenburg.
The atmosphere in the hall became increasingly heavy, and everyone was waiting for the Emperor to speak and break this suffocating silence.
The Empire, an indescribable political entity that one could hardly bear to look at.
Before Laszlo spent over a decade of tireless effort meticulously dissecting and reorganizing it, the nature of the Empire as a political entity was a massive question mark.
Before that, although the Empire had constructed a chaotic hierarchical system based on feudal institutions, the connection between its parts and the whole remained extremely weak.
Whenever the Empire was mentioned, let alone foreigners, even the subjects within the Empire probably could not figure out what exactly it was.
Those insightful individuals who worried about the future of the Empire described its composition as follows: one Emperor, a group of secular Imperial Princes, a group of ecclesiastical Imperial Princes, a pile of under-qualified Imperial territories, and an uncountable number of Imperial Free Cities.
After more than a decade of reform and evolution, those who understood Imperial politics could finally map out a clear structure.
Under the Emperor, secular vassals, ecclesiastical vassals, and Free Cities were listed separately, with twelve Imperial administrative districts of varying forms covering the entire Empire.
Among them, the highest-ranking were the seven Electors, followed by eighty full Imperial Princes, nearly thirty of whom were secular, with the remaining fifty-plus being ecclesiastical Imperial Princes.
Below this, there were over two hundred incomplete Imperial Princes, namely Imperial Counts, lords, and high-ranking clergy, whose fiefs were not enough to reach the threshold of an Imperial Prince, yet were higher than the lower-ranking Imperial Knights.
There were about four hundred knightly families in the entire Empire, ruling over more than a thousand knightly fiefs; they were the root of social unrest and the backbone of the Imperial Army.
Beyond this were nearly ninety Imperial Free Cities, nearly eighty percent of which were concentrated in the old core areas of the Empire in the west and south; Swabia alone had more than thirty Free Cities directly protected by the Emperor.
And in the Hanseatic League, which had recently been in the limelight and appeared formidable, there were actually not many Free Cities in the true sense. Most of its members had merely purchased autonomy from their direct lords, while the ruling power of the territory remained in the hands of the Imperial Princes.
Through the division of the three councils and multiple reorganizations, the decision-making mechanism of the Imperial Diet gradually became perfect, and the overall framework and Imperial Estates structure were pieced together into a concrete form by Laszlo, bit by bit, like building blocks.
Relying on his own overwhelming military force and the suppression of the scale of his territories, plus the special rights as the leader of institutional construction, Laszlo began to gradually attempt to restore the privileges of the Emperor.
The regional system he pioneered and the Imperial government institutions were filled with countless private agendas. Early on, relying on the strategy of dividing and winning over the Imperial Princes, along with some symbolic concessions, these reforms were gradually established.
It was only in recent years that he finally bared his fangs at the Imperial Princes, not only expanding the Emperor's influence within the Empire by relying on the judicial power under his control, but also beginning to attempt to levy public donation tax and conscript the Imperial Army during wartime to bolster the Habsburg military strength.
By this time, those Imperial Princes who had been kept in the dark finally came to their senses and began to loudly promote the so-called "germanic liberty," which meant the privileges, immunities, and other rights enjoyed by an individual as a member of a legally recognized group.
The root of this "liberty" was an old tradition passed down from the germanic tribal period, and the funniest thing was that for lords at all levels, the interpretation of this "liberty" was vastly different.
Take the Free Cities, for example; the citizens had no demands for liberty—they were already the freest people in the Empire, so they only hoped that the Emperor could protect the cities from the infringement of feudal nobles.
For those lower-ranking Imperial lords who had been promoted from the Third Council as a representative group to the College of Princes, their "liberty" meant gaining higher representation, allowing the Emperor to hear their voices, and enabling them to personally participate in the Empire's decision-making, a goal that had now been achieved.
For the Imperial Princes and Electors, the liberty they demanded was to control the Imperial Court of Justice and the Imperial Privy Council, thereby completely separating the Emperor from the Empire.
Although it sounded absurd, the fact was that Laszlo had to take such risks to push forward the Imperial reforms.
On one hand, as the Emperor, he had the right to rule the Empire through chaotic feudal relations, but the efficiency was extremely low and it was difficult to obtain revenue.
On the other hand, constructing a mature Imperial system did indeed bring Laszlo rich returns, but the direct consequence was that the Imperial Princes found the perfect tool to divide Imperial power.
All the Imperial Princes and lords established a relationship of allegiance to the Emperor in their personal capacity, while participating in Imperial affairs as members of a group. This was a logical theory of dual allegiance, and the most important fulcrum of this theory was the Imperial Diet.
The Imperial Princes therefore tried every means to strengthen the authority of the Imperial Diet and attempted to sever the Emperor from the Empire.
The Emperor is not equal to the Empire; this inequality settled the matter instantly.
This was also the core theory of the opposition, or the Parliamentary Reformists.
And all of Laszlo's efforts to date had been an attempt to eliminate this rebellious tendency of the Imperial Princes.
Whether it was establishing the Imperial Court of Justice as the only Imperial supreme court in the legal sense, or binding the Imperial Privy Council to his side to become a powerful tool for handling Imperial affairs, all of this was to bind the relationship between the two entities of the Emperor and the Empire, so as not to end up as an Emperor who had lost the "Empire."
However, Laszlo could be certain that the most ruthless and effective measure he had taken was to flip the table in Augsburg.
He actively created a split in the Imperial Diet, thereby shattering the foundation of the opposition's reform advocacy at the root, and also used this to purify the loyalists.
Sure enough, in less than a year, without much interference from him, his supporters began to frantically attack the opposition with physical and psychological means, denouncing them as separatists who destroyed the integrity of the Empire, and mocking them as outlaws who refused to accept judicial jurisdiction.
Of course, those who truly became outlaws were mostly the Emperor's supporters, because the Empire's powerful army was right there, and even if it didn't move, it gave people sufficient confidence. This led to a situation where even a small Imperial Count dared to raid a monastery governed by the sister of an Elector, and even forcibly seized property under the protection of the Elector.
Did Elector Ernst of Saxony have any objections to this? Of course he did.
However, the Emperor still made a verdict that could be called "fair," announcing in his personal capacity that he would protect the Elector's sister, demanding that the offending Count make compensation, and brushing the matter aside lightly.
As for the supporters of the Elector who committed lesser offenses, a single Imperial ban directly triggered a cruel punitive war.
The Prague Legion, which had just finished an armed parade in Franconia and had not yet returned to its station, had been stationed near Pilsen for several months.
As the most important royal town in western Bohemia, Pilsen was very close to both Saxony and Franconia; it was self-evident what was intended by leaving the army there.
As long as the Elector of Saxony dared to send troops to interfere with the execution of the Imperial Court's ruling, the Imperial Army would certainly not stand idly by.
Externally, the Emperor and his henchmen were pressing step by step; internally, the Duke of Saxony had already decided to defect to the Emperor.
Beset by difficulties from both inside and outside, Elector Ernst could not even bring himself to think about assembling an army. He turned and arranged with his "good ally," the Elector of Brandenburg, to come to Vienna together, waiting to accept the Emperor's reprimand.
"Ernst, and Albert, I heard that you intend to talk to me about the public donation tax and Imperial reform. I think now is a good time."
Laszlo's expression was serious, and his resounding voice echoed in the audience hall, making the two Electors feel a tightening in their hearts.
"Your Majesty, we are not opposing the levy of the public donation tax; we just hope to be able to participate more in Imperial affairs and share your worries."
Ernst had to squeeze out a smile that was uglier than crying, and explained in a subservient tone.
The Elector of Brandenburg on the side also nodded in agreement—although he was still filled with suppressed anger, he had no choice but to bow his head and admit his mistake to the Emperor at this moment.
In the past, during the period when his relationship with the Emperor was closest, they talked like friends, sharing insights on Imperial affairs, and the Emperor had also granted him many rewards because of his achievements.
However, regarding the issue of Pomerania, the Emperor had failed his expectations, ultimately leading to the current situation where he had to defend himself before the Emperor like a prisoner on trial.
Such a huge disparity was enough to drive one mad, but the Elector was, after all, a seasoned politician and managed to keep his emotions well under control.
"Share the burden of worry? It is difficult for me to connect your actions with such a purpose."
Laszlo nearly scoffed aloud, then shook his head.
Let alone sharing the burden of worry, it would be a blessing if these schemers did not cause him any more trouble.
Over a decade ago, when the Empire was still in a state of chaos, although the Emperor nominally held the administrative and judicial powers granted by Imperial privileges, he lacked the supporting means to implement policies.
At that time, the Electors made no secret of their expectations for the Emperor: not only should the Emperor use his own lands to support the Imperial Court and various Imperial institutions, but he should also bear the expenses required to defend against the Ottomans and other Christian enemies.
The Emperor alone could not accomplish this, so Laszlo needed to constantly convene the Imperial Diet to demand money and men, while simultaneously exhausting the resources of Austria and Hungary to prop up the Habsburg Family's Imperial blueprint.
After surviving those difficult years, Laszlo began to focus on the institutional reform of the Empire, a process that had lasted for over a decade.
By now, the standard for directly accepting Imperial rule had become joining the "Imperial Estates List," obtaining a seat in the Imperial Diet, or assuming Imperial economic and military obligations.
The third criterion was the most critical, covering all the Imperial Estates of the entire Empire without any omissions.
The Imperial system, built single-handedly by Laszlo, finally began to take effect, and the Electors now began to hope that they could seize the fruits of the reform and kick the Emperor aside to rule the Empire directly.
As if such a thing were possible!
"Your Majesty, our intention was merely to utilize the role of the Imperial Diet, to construct a coalition government of the various Estates and an independent Imperial Court of Justice, so as to lighten your burden and maintain the order of the Empire."
"Does the current Imperial Privy Council not count as a coalition government of the Estates? Is the Imperial Court of Justice led by me unable to resolve disputes within the Empire?"
Laszlo was almost amused to the point of laughter; seizing power was one thing, but this was the first time he had seen someone present it so sanctimoniously.
"To take a step back, my domains contribute twenty-four thousand florins to the Imperial tax, the King of Burgundy pays twenty thousand florins, and the remaining six Electors combined pay less than twenty thousand; this already exceeds half of the statutory public donation tax."
"Based on this distribution of Imperial tax, I believe I have respected the representative rights of the Imperial Estates and the Imperial Circles to the greatest extent."
"If you want to increase your say in the government, you should not incite the Princes to boycott the Imperial tax, but rather take the initiative to pay more!"
"I won't ask for much: pay ten thousand florins annually, to be borne by the wealthy Saxony, and I can increase the number of seats for Saxon representatives in the Imperial Court of Justice and the Imperial Privy Council—of course, they must still swear allegiance to the Imperial authority above their lords and place the interests of the Empire first."
These words, which were practically a stern rebuke, caused Elector Ernst's face to flush red and then pale.