Chapter 179: Outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War
As February 1904 arrived, the situation in the Far East grew increasingly complex, with the entire region shrouded in the shadow of war.
The central players in this looming crisis were, naturally, the dominant power of the Far East—the Russian Empire—and the newly rising island nation.
Having recently emerged as a growing power, the island nation had gained substantial territory through various wars and conflicts and had expanded its military significantly.
However, the island nation was severely lacking in mineral resources, and the acquisition of the small Korean Peninsula could not alleviate its ongoing resource shortage.
Although the island nation had signed a mineral import agreement with Australia, this came at a steep price—resources had to be purchased at more than double the market rate.
This placed a heavy burden on the island nation's already strained finances, especially since it was already weighed down by significant loans from both the British Empire and the United States. High interest rates and mounting fiscal deficits were pushing its economy to the brink.
Naturally, their gaze turned north of Korea, to the resource-rich region of Manchuria.
This area boasted a large population, vast arable land, and abundant mineral resources.
More importantly, because it was connected to the Korean Peninsula, the resources could be quickly shipped back to the island nation through Korean ports—far more convenient and cost-effective than importing them from Australia.
There was just one problem: the territory that the island nation desired had already been occupied by the Russian Empire years earlier.
As the regional hegemon, the Russian Empire had no intention of relinquishing this land, especially given its well-known "Yellow Russia" ambitions.
A starving hunter standing at the edge of a game-rich forest—would he give up the hunt just because it was guarded by strong men?
Of course not. If he didn't act, he would starve to death. When faced with mortal threat, even the mightiest foe must be challenged.
This was the very situation the island nation faced. If it didn't act, its collapsing finances would drag down the entire country, shattering its dream of national revival and rendering decades of effort—from the emperor to the common people—futile.
Would the island nation accept such a fate? Absolutely not. Especially considering that before acquiring Korea, it had already fought a war that gambled its national survival.
That war had allowed it to seize the Korean Peninsula—a territory with decent resources—and marked the first step in its rise to power.
Beginning in August of the previous year, the island nation formally initiated negotiations with the Russian Empire, attempting to divide spheres of influence in the Far East.
It demanded Russian recognition of the island nation's predominant interests in Korea, while only acknowledging Russia's special interests in the Manchurian railway.
This was tantamount to asking Russia to cede Korea in exchange for virtually nothing. Naturally, Russia refused.
The negotiations dragged on for six months. The island nation tried to use diplomacy to reach an agreement, but eventually concluded that peaceful negotiations were futile and decisively abandoned the effort.
On February 6, 1904, the island nation unilaterally informed the Russian Empire that negotiations were over and that diplomatic relations between the two countries were severed.
This clearly signaled that war was inevitable. Ending the talks was, in effect, switching to a more forceful method of "negotiation."
Sure enough, two days later, without a formal declaration of war, the island nation's navy launched a surprise attack on the Russian fleet stationed at Port Arthur, marking the beginning of a war for dominance in the Far East.
At this time, the New Zealand referendum was still ongoing. Arthur made no statements regarding the Far East situation, only having the Australian and New Zealand governments issue declarations of neutrality.
Still, Arthur instructed munitions factories to immediately contact both Russia and the island nation to inquire whether they wanted to purchase more weapons. Australia was willing to ramp up production and deliver them as quickly as possible.
After all, declaring neutrality didn't mean one couldn't profit from arms sales. The United States had done the same—remaining neutral at first to make money from arms, then joining later to secure the spoils of victory.
Compared to the resolute island nation, opinions within the Russian Empire were divided during this struggle for dominance.
Two main factions emerged in Russia: the peace faction, led by the finance and foreign ministers, and the war faction, represented by the imperial chamberlain, the interior minister, and the governor of the Far East.
The peace faction recognized both internal and external crises facing the empire and advised Tsar Nicholas II not to rush into war.
They proposed making some concessions in exchange for a temporary peace. At the same time, they urged increased exploitation and military preparation in the Far East, waiting until the Trans-Siberian Railway was fully operational and the fortifications around Port Arthur were completed before launching a decisive war.
They weren't advocating peace out of weakness—they simply wanted a delay to ensure victory. It was a traditional Russian strategy: not afraid of war, but seeking the right moment.
The war faction, on the other hand, were fervent chauvinists and imperialist adventurers, highly confident in Russia's military might and deeply contemptuous of the rising island nation.
They believed that with minimal mobilization, the Russian army could easily crush its island enemy.
They also saw war as a solution to domestic unrest. A swift, decisive victory abroad could suppress revolutionary turmoil at home—killing two birds with one stone.
This line of thinking gained traction because Russia was already facing intensifying revolutionary waves internally, and the leadership was searching for distractions.
But as an autocracy, the final decision rested solely with Tsar Nicholas II.
While still crown prince, Nicholas had been ordered by his father, Alexander III, to travel abroad, visiting Greece, Egypt, India, the island nation, and China before returning via Siberia.
This made him the first Russian ruler ever to set foot in Asia.
Unfortunately, the experience was unpleasant and left Nicholas with deep hatred and suspicion toward the island nation.
In 1891, Crown Prince Nicholas arrived in the island nation with his friend, Prince George of Greece, and more than 30 attendants.
At the time, the island nation was still weak and welcomed Nicholas with utmost hospitality.
To ensure his safety, the government made grand promises. Police presence was bolstered, and the foreign minister, Aoki Shūzō, assured Russia's ambassador that any attempted assassination would be punished with the death penalty under laws protecting royal families.
Yet the unexpected happened. On May 11, 1891, while Nicholas was sightseeing in the capital, he was attacked by Tsuda Sanzō—a police officer assigned to protect him.
Though the attempt failed and Nicholas survived with only two cuts, the incident plunged relations between Russia and the island nation to an all-time low, and Nicholas developed a strong, lasting hatred toward them.
So how would someone with such deep-seated animosity react to a power struggle with the island nation?
Would he angrily shout that all those "yellow monkeys" deserved to die, or calmly consider the peace faction's advice?
In truth, Nicholas II embodied both tendencies. He understood Russia was unprepared and wished to delay the war.
But he also believed that only force could maintain dominance, and that making concessions would only invite further demands.
Though contradictory on the surface, his thinking ultimately supported the hardliners.
Indeed, Russia was not ready. The Far Eastern army numbered fewer than 100,000, with only a fraction equipped with modern weapons.
Although Russia had purchased arms from Australia, more than half went to European forces, leaving only about a third for the Far Eastern garrisons.
The Russian Far East army had under 200 artillery pieces, 20 heavy machine guns, and just over 90,000 combat troops.
In terms of naval strength, while the Russian navy boasted over 200 warships, its Pacific Squadron had only around 60 ships available for combat.
By contrast, the island nation's navy had over 80 warships with a combined tonnage of more than 270,000 tons.
Most of its main battleships were new British-built vessels with standardized specifications and excellent performance.
One battleship ordered from Australia was not yet completed and thus not included in the statistics.
On land, the island nation could deploy over 210,000 troops for overseas operations, supported by more than a thousand artillery pieces and over fifty heavy machine guns.
Purely by the numbers, Russia was already at a severe disadvantage in the Far East. Its navy could barely hold parity, while its army was vastly outnumbered and outgunned.
But the arrogant Russian leadership naively believed that the island nation wouldn't dare challenge the mighty Russian Empire.
They thought that just showing a tough stance would force the islanders to back down.
(End of Chapter)
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