Soemarmo arrived in Batavia after three months of siege and occupation. The city was slowly beginning to show signs of life once more; civilians had started to move about again, going to work and selling goods along the roadsides.
Birds flew and chirped among the lush trees, welcoming a new day for the city.
The Dutch flags that once flew over many important colonial offices had been lowered, replaced by the Red and White flag—the banner of the revolutionary forces led by Soemarmo.
Rubble from destroyed buildings had been cleared to the sides of the roads, and streets riddled with craters from artillery explosions were gradually being repaired by the engineering corps of the independence fighters.
Several damaged buildings were also undergoing modest renovations.
Well-organized military patrols occasionally marched through the streets, maintaining security in their assigned areas.
From time to time, military trucks—modified from cargo vehicles—passed along Batavia's main roads. They transported soldiers or criminals who had been apprehended during patrols.
European civilians could also be seen, though most of them remained wary of their surroundings, especially of the independence fighters who now occupied the city.
Naturally, civil conflicts arose, particularly among natives, European settlers, and even the Chinese community. However, thanks to the presence of the independence army, these tensions were handled firmly and fairly.
Upon arriving in Batavia, Soemarmo instructed Paul to tighten patrols, with particular vigilance toward the Proletariat faction that had begun to surface.
Thanks to this warning, in several parts of Batavia—especially in the northern and eastern areas inhabited by impoverished natives—the independence army successfully captured these Proletariat groups. The hardline Communist faction was detained in Batavia City Prison, for if they were to be freed, all of Soemarmo's struggle would be rendered meaningless by the outbreak of an internal communist rebellion.
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The Governor-General's Palace
The white, colonial-style palace—previously damaged by artillery bombardment—was gradually being repaired. It had now been repurposed as the Headquarters of the Indonesian Independence Army, abbreviated as MKTKI. This palace also served as Soemarmo's office, from which he continuously monitored the progress of the war for independence throughout Indonesia.
As the palace had become the main headquarters, security around it was significantly tightened. The northern section of Koningsplein Road was sterilized, and civilians were prohibited from passing through. Those wishing to reach the Great Fields had to take a detour or pass through roads north of the Ciliwung tributary.
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Now, inside the palace dining hall—one of the few areas that survived the artillery bombardment—a group of people had gathered. Soemarmo sat at the head of the table, surrounded by educated civilians. Among them were several individuals who would become prominent figures in Indonesia's future independence movement, though for now they were still young.
Some of them had even been involved in formulating the Youth Pledge on October 28, 1928.
Soemarmo looked at them all. He could see the nervousness etched on their young faces. After all, Soemarmo was the central figure behind a military rebellion against the Colonial Government—something these youths had never imagined witnessing firsthand.
"Ahem. All right, no need to be so nervous, young men. I'm not going to bite," Soemarmo said, clearing his throat before joking with them.
One of the young men, wearing a black peci, let out an awkward laugh and forced a smile.
"Haha… Forgive us, Sir Soemarmo. We're just a bit nervous. After all, you are an important figure in this rebellion."
"I mean—this resistance. Y-yes, this resistance," the young man quickly corrected himself, realizing his slip of the tongue.
He scratched his cheek, followed by the dry laughter of his companions, who were equally nervous.
"Relax. You're not wrong—at its core, this is a rebellion. But it is a rebellion of the natives against the colonizers," Soemarmo replied calmly. He did not deny that what he had done was, indeed, a rebellion.
Soemarmo then observed the nervous young man more closely. He was not particularly handsome, but he had a firm face, a sharp nose, slightly thick lips, and bold black eyebrows.
It was Mohammad Yamin, a representative of Jong Sumatranen Bond during the formulation of the Youth Pledge. Although his face was still youthful—free of wrinkles or excess weight—Soemarmo could already see a resemblance to Yamin's older self.
"Very well. The reason I summoned all of you here is related to the establishment of our nation," Soemarmo said, shifting the topic and going straight to the main issue.
Although this rebellion had been initiated by the military, Soemarmo realized that a country could not be governed entirely by military power. That was why he had gathered these educated civilians—to discuss the foundations of the state he intended to establish.
"Please elaborate, Your Excellency, Commander," Douwes Dekker requested.
At that, everyone turned their attention to Soemarmo with great interest. Seeing their focused gazes, Soemarmo explained the founding of the Indonesian State, which would take the form of a Republic led by a President, with a parliamentary system.
Soemarmo then called for Paul. His aide entered with several others, carrying thick stacks of papers that Soemarmo had compiled during his time as a KNIL colonel.
The documents contained various state designs. He had studied numerous systems of government—from the American model to European parliamentary systems—and in his hands was a summary he could now present to them.
First, the state must be a Republic. Of course, there would be Special Regions within it, particularly local kingdoms that had previously assisted the independence army in achieving victory in their territories.
Second, the foundation and legal basis of the state. Soemarmo presented the state ideology known as Pancasila, meaning "Five Principles":
• Belief in One Supreme God
• Just and Civilized Humanity
• The Unity of Indonesia
• Democracy Guided by the Inner Wisdom of Deliberation among Representatives
• Social Justice for All Indonesian People
The state emblem was designed as a Garuda bird facing to the right. On its chest was a shield divided into five sections, each bearing symbols representing the five principles.
Upon its head, the bird wore a laurel crown symbolizing victory, glory, honor, and nobility—derived from Greek and Roman mythology, where laurel wreaths were bestowed upon Olympic victors, military commanders, poets, and musicians, representing extraordinary achievement and high status.
In its talons, the bird clutched a white ribbon inscribed with the Sanskrit phrase "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika," meaning "Unity in Diversity."
As for the constitutional foundation of the state, unfortunately, since Soemarmo had never studied this in his previous life, he chose to adapt the Constitution of the German Empire—ironically, the one he remembered most clearly.
This constitution would be known as the UUD 1929.
Third, the head of state would be a President, serving a term of ten years, while the head of government would be a Chancellor, serving a five-year term.
However, since Indonesia was still entering an era of chaos, the presidential position would initially be held for life until the nation returned to peace.
Fourth, the national economy. At present, state wealth came from war spoils seized from pro-Dutch nobles and wealthy elites. Thus, for the next ten years, Indonesia would adopt a war economy to stabilize its internal trade balance.
There would also be a national currency—the Rupiah—whose value would be pegged to foreign currencies such as the US dollar and precious metals like gold and silver.
The Rupiah would be valued at 0.000001 grams of gold or 0.00001 grams of silver, this ensures that the exchange rate is not too high, which could lead to inflation. It also ensures that the printing of money using precious metals like gold and silver remains stable.
Fifth, the formation of the national parliament. This parliament would consist of two chambers:
the People's Representative Council (DPR) at the national level, and the Regional Representative Council (DPD) representing provinces and gathering regional aspirations.
Soemarmo directly modeled this system after Germany's Reichstag and Reichsrat.
The German Reichstag was a directly elected federal parliament representing the people, while the Reichsrat served as a second chamber representing federal states and their governments in the legislative process, acting as a crucial check and balance—especially for laws affecting state interests.
Both bodies participated in lawmaking, but the Reichstag was the primary legislative body, while the Reichsrat ensured state input, with certain laws requiring its explicit approval.
In essence, Soemarmo wanted the DPR and DPD to oversee one another, ensuring that national laws and public aspirations were properly represented.
Each province would send ten representatives to the DPR—provinces that would be established after the colonial forces were fully defeated.
Meanwhile, DPD members would be directly appointed by provincial governments, with each province having five to seven representatives.
Sixth and lastly, the formation of the Indonesian Government. After the complete defeat of colonial factions, Soemarmo would step down as Supreme Commander and ascend as the First President of Indonesia.
After nearly two hours of reading the thick stack of documents, one of the young thinkers finally spoke—a bespectacled young man who resembled a future bookworm.
He raised his hand and asked nervously,
"S-Sir Soemarmo… why must this state be a republic? Why not a federation like the United States, consisting of multiple states?"
Soemarmo looked at him for a moment. For an instant, he could see the image of Bung Hatta reflected in the young man.
'Is that Bung Hatta?' he thought.
Soemarmo remembered that Mohammad Hatta had strongly favored a federal Indonesia in his past life and had even clashed with Soekarno over this difference.
"What is your name?" Soemarmo asked calmly. The question, however, made the young man tremble as if under interrogation.
"M-M-Mohammad Hatta, Sir," Hatta replied nervously, sweat streaming down his forehead.
'Just as I thought… But am I really that intimidating?' Soemarmo wondered, smiling bitterly inwardly at how frightened these youths were of him.
(Author's note: Look in the mirror, you idiot—you're the commander of the independence army, leading hundreds of thousands of soldiers!)
Before Soemarmo could answer, an adult man with Javanese features and a peci spoke first.
"Son, Hatta, is it? We've long asked the same question. Unfortunately, the geography of the archipelago is extremely complex. We are an island nation, stretching from Sumatra to Papua. If we adopt a federal system—and God forbid—the federal authority is weaker than the states, can you imagine what would happen?"
Rebellion. No—worse—referendums leading to the secession of federal territories due to dissatisfaction among states.
"That is correct, as Dewantoro said. Our nation is not fully suited for a federal system. However, I propose granting local administrative rights to provincial governments under central supervision.
There will also be local kingdoms joining these provinces. They will remain under central authority, but their royal families may serve as Provincial Governors and Vice Governors.
The civil service, military, and police will remain under central control," Soemarmo continued, reinforcing the words of Ki Hajar Dewantoro, an educational thinker from Central Java and Yogyakarta.
Soemarmo explained that provincial governments would have special rights to manage and exploit their regions, but the central government would oversee development and public welfare.
He also mentioned that local kingdoms siding with Indonesian independence would be granted special status. Their territories would be designated as Special Regions, equivalent to provinces, with governors and vice governors drawn from the royal family.
However, there were limitations: the civil service, military, and police would remain under central control to prevent these Special Regions from rebelling or declaring independence.
In essence, what Soemarmo proposed mirrored certain aspects of a federal system—granting self-governance under central oversight—a simultaneous balance of centralization and decentralization.
"I understand," Hatta said after hearing the explanations from Dewantoro and Soemarmo, nodding thoughtfully.
"Is there anything else?" Soemarmo asked, scanning the room filled with young men and future leaders of the nation.