How did the Dutch people react?
If one believes the rumors, which spread in foreign countries or which are circulated in neutral foreign countries by the enemies, one has to accept that there is famine in this country, that the Dutch laborer is escorted to his workplace by German policemen with the bayonet on their rifles, that a wild, deadly enmity exists between the Germans and the Dutch and that the Dutch people live in total slavery. In this country nobody starved since the occupation. It has not yet happened that a Dutchman was forced either to accept or not to accept a job by a decree of the police. However, I may say that in this country, taking into account that it is occupied territory close to the hostile battle lines, exists a nearly unbelievable freedom for political activities, because the concrete shape of this life from the police bulletins,which still don't constitute the whole of political life, is ample enough. At the final analysis riots,shattered windows and such activities nearly always involve two competing political elements.
So both have to be there and both must have the potential and possibility to prove their existence in such a drastic way. So it is not right when someone asserts that political movements exist here on the points of German bayonets. Such an assertion shows a profound lack of knowledge of the effectiveness of the German bayonets.
If we really would have had the intention to forcefully introduce here, protected by German bayonets, a political movement, than within a few weeks there would be nobody in this country who just could or would dare to accept an attitude, spoken or written, somewhat opposing this so-called protected movement,
It still applies that we do not want to press upon the Dutch a political faith. It goes without saying that the terroristic spirit, which exploded against the national-socialistic movement, in all liberal- democratic countries at the moment that national-socialism came to power in Germany, will be broken in the Netherlands. That the political battle after such a period of suppression was not conducted with gloves on is not surprising and objections against the severity and fierceness of this struggle do not count with me any more than the cry: Catch the thief.
If one would now raise the objection that only the national-socialists are allowed to march in strength, than I have to say "of course", because the national-socialists have proved and prove again every day that they want to take the road of the fate of the community with the German people. All the others. Up till now, did not succeed in proving this, many didn't even try. If one would give these forces the right to unite, it would be nothing else than to open the way to another May 10.
Such will be the course of the political struggle in Holland in so far as the occupying forces can allow this, taking into account the requirements of maintaining order in this country.
Personally I do believe that the National Socialistic Movement, with a continuously clearer understanding of the political task and significance, will more and more direct its concerns to convince every and each Dutch compatriot of the correctness of the political ideas of national-socialism in order to become, by winning over the political layers in this country, the bearer of the political movement of the Dutch people
While in this way the political forces can express themselves within the allowed bounds and can prove they are capable to lead, workmen, farmers, civilians have shown by their conduct their position regarding the existing occupation. One can say that the Dutch in general played a waiting game, with a certain restraint, but for the most part with interest looking at the present situation and were thinking about the future. In particular we hear continuously questions and voices from the labor camp, which proves the interest in national-socialism. It is clear that the introduction of the economical and personal restrictions,because of the war necessary, are not really the suitable form to show the Dutch workman what we understand to be the importance of national-socialism and the results thereoff for the workman.
I am sure the Dutch workman, just as every other workman does not allow those facts of the restrictions to influence him, because he sees the inevitability of them, if he only knows that the point is to ensure the stability and evenness of the food supplies, especially for the workman.
Supply and distribution of food.
Although England wanted to repeat, by means of a blockade, its un-militairy and perfidious success of 1918 and let the present blockade be explained by the pious Lord Halifax with his misunderstood humanity, when a few Americans want to send food to starving children in Belgium and France. I stated that I will strive that the living conditions of the Dutch people will not be inferior to those of the German people. One should also recognize that the weekly rations in Holland compare favorable with those distributed in Belgium and France at the moment and are generally on the same level as those distributed in Germany. I can point out that the rations, as far as bread is concerned, are at least the same as the rations in Holland in the years 1916-1918, but that however in those years the meat rations were only 200 grams and the fat rations 175 grams.
Of course the abundantly circulating tales of terror in Holland dealt with the supply and distribution of food. What stories haven't been told about the scarcity of meat, what amounts of meat were sent to Germany. From Dutch official circles is already stated how many cattle went to Germany, a number which pales when compared with the total livestock and the normal export, taking also into account that as a result of shortages of cattle-feed a certain limitation of the livestock was necessary; therefore these sales of live cattle to Germany was a possibility to save the former from losses because of the necessity to sell this cattle for slaughter. The scarcity of meat, which now has passed, was solely due to a lack of discipline of producers and consumers. So much is told about what the Germans acquired as a result of, let us call it, unauthorized supply of ration-coupons. I could congratulate the Dutch if the distribution of the coupons was done even scrupulous as is done by the German officials and in particular by the German Army. What is not handed over at the distribution of the food-coupons and returns back to Quartermaster's department in the army, is with the utmost accuracy incorporated in those rations which the German Army has to obtain based on the number of personnel in a certain period. And these quantities are also accurately cleared with the Dutch bureaucracy.
One thing is sure, viz. that the trafficking in food flourishes. However that is the business of the Dutch because the administration is in the hands of the Dutch, and I will state here that this administration increasingly tries to get things under control.
Special the control of prices is very strict and has resulted in hard punishments, amounting to a quarter of a million guilders.
One has to wake up the public and especially the upper classes and one has to appeal to their solidarity with the Dutch population as a whole. Who suffers in the end from this trafficking? What the Germans must get according to the agreements with the proper authorities, they will receive to the last gram. Therefore when consumer goods, because of this trafficking, is withdrawn from the orderly distribution. than in the final analysis the Dutch people bear the consequences.
I would think it appropriate if just to these groups. which can be considered as the buyers of the products of the trafficking, could be told in a pleasing, explicit way, that in this respect the Dutch socialism, about which there is so much talk nowadays,can prove its value in order that there will be no misunderstanding of what the Dutch want to be understood as freedom.
The position of the Dutch working-man.
I am sure that the Dutch working-man understands these restrictions as facts, takes them into account but does not consider these material things that essential that he lets his decisions and attitude depend on them. The Dutch working-man also looks for the new conception of society and community, that does not treat him as a subject for exploitation and charity, but which sees in the working-man the compatriot who stands in the community with his own rights and with them the corresponding duties, not a working-man who once in a while receives a present, but somebody who has a real part in the results of the labor of the community, The Dutch working-man has, apart from that, decided about his standpoint in a positive way; he went to work.
A year ago there were in this country about three hundred thousand unemployed who received unemployment benefits, not counting the unemployed who were not registered. This situation existed notwithstanding the fact that since August 1939 an extraordinary great number of people were withdrawn from the workforce because of the mobilization, which means: quite a few people choose and found the way to employment
The increase in unemployment for seasonal reasons during the winter months has by now decreased by one half. More than 118.000 Dutchmen found work in Germany
Of course, the horror propaganda says this was forced. I state here that not a single Dutchman was brought to his job by the police. When in the present, rather difficult times a distinction is made between somebody who is unemployed through no fault of himself and whom therefore one has to give an unemployment benefit, and on the other hand somebody who is willing to work, than one may not consider such economical measures of control as forcing.
Regarding the acceptance of work in Germany, there is no reason to believe that there is a tendency in the background to separate the Dutchman from their own country. These are measures which are a consequence of the present state of emergency. In the economical plans for the new Europe not only is there no intention to lower the industrial level in the Netherlands, but to the contrary for a whole scale of industries and companies in this country, a time of high prosperity can be expected in a new Europe.
Precisely to offer Dutchmen work in their own country our efforts were to reserve such work as transferred orders from Germany to Holland so the entrepreneurs could maintain their position and make a convenient beginning of the switching over to peace-time industry, which in its turn will make it possible to keep the Dutch labor manpower in their own country. Because of secrecy demands I cannot publicize the extent to which orders have been placed in the Netherlands.
In any case, more Dutchmen found work here or kept their jobs as a consequence of the orders transferred from Germany to Holland than Dutchmen who found work in Germany.
Distribution of raw materials.
As we are talking about economical measures, I can point out in this connection that the supply of every- thing that the Netherlands needs, comes, because of the situation, exclusively from Europe. If the terror stories are true, there would be an endless flow of materials into Germany and nothing would come back. In reality, the situation is such that in January 1941 merchandise and commodities. valued at appr. 43 million guilders were imported in the Netherlands coming from Germany, the protectorate and other occupied parts of Europe and that commodities were exported to these territories, valued at 21,6 million guilders. We began the rebuilding in those parts of the Netherlands that were destroyed during the war. In particular iron and steel were needed. And as living accommodations will have to be supplied in the first place, rebuilding is in the interest of the working people. Of course, each and every sheet of iron can, because of the war, can better be used for armored vehicles and each and every block of steel for gun-barrels than for the rebuilding of non-military buildings. Nevertheless, it was possible to get the promise of important raw materials, for the rebuilding in the Netherlands and particularly Rotterdam. I am also interested in the IJ-tunnel, to give in this way the working people an undisturbed connection between home and working place. We will take care, when the construction will start, of the materials and the finances.
But it goes without saying, that when it comes to the distribution of the raw materials that this will be influenced by what standpoint the Dutch will take regarding the present conflict between Germany and England.
For us, national-socialists it is interesting to see how much the gouvernment and the tax-structure has been saturated with liberal, capitalistic and class tendencies.
As the present circumstances put great demands on the finance's of the state, this was also the case in 1914-1918, a considerable tax increase became necessary in order to intercept an inflation tendency.
We insisted that these increases should be applied according to social norms and I have to admit that our directions regarding this were met by an increasing understanding from the Dutch authorities.
The situation at this moment is such that-although the proceeds of the income tax were more than doubled- that a family man with three children will pay less than according the previous liberal system. Further- more it is not my intention to continue the bicycle tax, which was not of much value anyhow, among others things because of the cumbersome system of control.
The position of the farmers.
Next to the working-man the attitude of the farmer can be considered as positive. The farmer does not see wages, in general he seldom sees money. For this reason he is very much attached to the real values he possesses. This attitude has a positive significance, because it gives the people's economy that great elasticity required to continue through times of crisis and needs; that the farmer works without wages through the long hours of every day, that he works only for that seen from an economical standpoint, that he earns from his farm only a meager live hood. This realistic sense of the farmer should be recognized as a positive element. However, to draw the farmer in a service for the common good is the concern of the farmer organizations. And what can be done in that respect was proven by the tremendous increases of the achievements realized by the "Nahrstand" in Germany [the collective of farmers]. National-socialistic Germany has, in the first five years of its debut, spent four times as much on agriculture than the previous regime in ten years. The realistic and moral policies of the farmers in Germany is responsible for the fact that for instance the average wheat harvest increased by about four million tons, the harvest of potatoes in 1939/40, including the Eastern provincies with 25 million tons, the sugarbeet harvest with approximately 11 million tons and that the import of feed-grain decreased from 4,4 million tons to 1.4 million tons in the last year of peace, although the supply of milk increased from 14 billion liters to 22 billion liters in 1940. And while in 1932 7000 farms with 153.000 hectares were forced to sell, was this figure in 1938 only 10.000 hectares.