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Chapter 282 - Letting Country's Help

Philip allowed the applause to die down before stepping back toward the podium. He took a slow breath, glanced once around the assembly hall, and offered the delegates a small smile. Although the proposal had clearly been received well, everyone present understood that they had only completed the easiest part of the process. Designing a framework was simple compared to negotiating every detail that would eventually define humanity's future military cooperation.

"That concludes my short proposal regarding this new treaty," Philip said calmly as the final presentation slide appeared behind him. "There is still a tremendous amount of work ahead of us before this framework becomes a functioning agreement." The final slide was intentionally simple, containing only the broad principles that had been explained throughout his speech rather than a complete legal document. It represented a foundation upon which every nation would now be invited to build together.

"Our vote today," Philip continued, "is not intended to approve every detail of the treaty." He allowed the translators a moment to finish before continuing. "Instead, we are voting on whether we are willing to commit ourselves to developing this framework together." That distinction was one of the most important aspects of the proposal, and the European delegation had spent days refining the wording to make sure it could not be misunderstood.

Many delegates appreciated that clarification.

They had expected Europe to arrive with a finished treaty and pressure everyone into accepting it without meaningful discussion. Instead, they were being presented with something much more flexible. The European Union was effectively asking the international community whether it wished to participate in writing the final agreement rather than merely signing one that had already been completed.

That decision had been deliberate.

The student competition section had already been developed in considerable detail because the differences between educational systems, while significant, remained manageable. Universities around the world largely understood one another's structures and could compare achievements using broadly similar standards. Although adjustments would undoubtedly be required, the Europeans believed those discussions would remain constructive rather than confrontational.

The special forces category, however, was an entirely different matter.

Philip had intentionally left that section almost completely blank.

Only the broadest framework existed, while nearly every practical detail remained absent from the document. The military advisers had unanimously agreed that attempting to define elite military competitions without international consultation would be disastrous. Every nation possessed different doctrines, different equipment, different operational philosophies, and different definitions of what qualified as a special forces unit.

Trying to settle those differences unilaterally would have been political suicide.

Some countries emphasized reconnaissance.

Others specialized in counterterrorism.

Several focused upon unconventional warfare, while a handful trained primarily for long-range infiltration behind enemy lines. Even among allied nations, no universal definition truly existed, making any detailed proposal almost certain to provoke unnecessary arguments before negotiations had even properly begun.

Europe therefore chose restraint.

Rather than presenting a finished solution, they offered only a structure within which every delegation could contribute its own ideas. That approach transformed what might have become an argument into a collaborative discussion. More importantly, it ensured that no country could honestly claim it had been excluded from shaping the final treaty.

Time certainly played a role in that decision.

The announcement regarding the proving grounds had dramatically accelerated every government's planning. Humanity simply did not possess the luxury of spending years negotiating a perfect agreement before beginning preparations. The Guardian Trials would not wait for diplomats to finish debating minor legal details, and everyone in the room understood that reality.

Nevertheless...

Lack of time was not Europe's primary motivation.

The larger reason involved politics.

By inviting every nation to participate directly in designing the treaty, the European Union dramatically increased the likelihood that the finished document would eventually be ratified. Governments naturally found it easier to defend agreements they had personally helped shape rather than treaties imposed upon them by someone else. Domestic audiences also tended to respond more favorably when their own diplomats could point toward specific clauses and proudly say that they had negotiated those provisions themselves.

Philip understood that psychology perfectly.

Once negotiations entered the detailed stages, every delegation would naturally fight for provisions benefiting its own country. One nation might push to include a profession in the competition that reflected its traditional strengths. Another might argue for different scoring methods or suggest entirely new categories that highlighted its own educational system. Those negotiations would undoubtedly become complicated, but they would also create shared ownership over the final agreement.

That shared ownership was invaluable.

When the treaty eventually reached national parliaments for ratification, politicians would no longer describe it as a European proposal. Instead, they could honestly present it as an international agreement shaped through months of cooperation between equals. That subtle difference alone significantly increased the chances that legislatures around the world would approve the final document.

There was another benefit as well.

One that mattered even more from Europe's perspective.

Future failures would no longer rest solely upon European shoulders.

If an individual country performed poorly under the new system years later, its politicians would inevitably search for someone to blame. That was simply the nature of politics, and Philip understood it better than most. Governments rarely admitted responsibility when outcomes proved disappointing, especially if public opinion turned against them.

People would still blame Europe.

Philip had no illusions about that.

Some politicians would undoubtedly argue that Europe had introduced a flawed system whenever their own nation failed to meet expectations. Such accusations were practically guaranteed regardless of the facts. Political convenience often outweighed historical accuracy, particularly during election seasons.

The difference was that those accusations would carry far less weight.

Every participating nation would have contributed to designing the framework.

Every delegation would have proposed amendments, negotiated compromises, and approved the final wording before signing the treaty. Responsibility would therefore be shared collectively rather than resting upon a single organization. Critics could still complain, but their arguments would lack credibility among anyone familiar with the negotiation process.

Philip privately considered that one of the proposal's greatest strengths.

He had managed to shift the conversation from "Europe's treaty" to "humanity's treaty" in less than a week. Accomplishing such a political transformation under ordinary circumstances would have required months of diplomatic effort. The urgency created by the System's latest announcement had compressed that entire process into only a few hectic days.

The benefits section remained conspicuously absent.

That omission surprised very few experienced diplomats.

If Europe had attempted to define exactly how rewards would be distributed among participating nations, the conference would almost certainly have collapsed into endless arguments before the first vote even began. Questions regarding benefits inevitably touched upon national pride, military prestige, economic interests, and political influence, making them some of the most sensitive subjects in international negotiations.

Philip had absolutely no intention of opening that discussion today.

Instead...

The proposal focused exclusively on establishing an objective method for measuring performance.

Only after every nation agreed upon how success would be evaluated would they begin discussing how corresponding benefits and responsibilities should be distributed. Although the second discussion would undoubtedly prove far more contentious, at least it would take place upon a mutually accepted foundation rather than descending immediately into chaos.

In Philip's own words...

Today's proposal merely provided the foundation upon which the real construction could eventually begin.

The difficult debates still lay ahead.

Questions regarding military responsibilities, command structures, resource distribution, territorial defense, and political authority would eventually require careful negotiation. None of those subjects could be avoided forever, but neither did they need to delay approval of the broader framework that everyone already appeared willing to support.

Even within the European military...

Several preliminary ideas had already emerged.

One particularly popular proposal suggested establishing a Council of Generals composed of representatives from the ten highest-ranked military powers. During future Guardian Trials, that council would coordinate large-scale operations while individual national commanders retained tactical authority over their own forces. Although the concept still required extensive refinement, many military planners believed it represented a practical balance between centralized coordination and national sovereignty.

Philip intentionally avoided mentioning that proposal in detail.

It simply was not the appropriate time.

Today's objective was securing international commitment to continued negotiations rather than resolving every controversial issue immediately. One successful vote today would make tomorrow's discussions considerably easier. Attempting to solve every problem at once, however, would almost certainly guarantee failure.

As Philip looked toward the voting display...

Green lights began appearing one after another across the chamber.

Almost every delegation had received authorization from its national leadership to support the proposal. Their governments preferred arguing over specific benefits later rather than wasting valuable time debating whether negotiations should even begin. Since the framework itself remained broadly neutral, very few countries saw any reason to oppose it outright.

The proposal had accomplished exactly what Europe intended.

It united the world behind a common direction without forcing anyone to surrender their own interests before negotiations had truly begun.

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