After forming a secret understanding with William IV, my daily life did not change very much.
On weekdays, I attended school while managing my businesses.
On weekends, I visited the palace to converse with Victoria.
And, as the king had requested, I occasionally sent him letters.
That was all.
Of course, there were still a number of subtle changes.
The first came when I carried out exactly what I had told William I would do.
I leaked his intentions to the Duchess of Kent.
Her reaction was quite a spectacle.
"What did you say? The king ordered you to monitor me to ensure I don't negatively influence Victoria?"
"Yes. I told him I understood at the time," I replied calmly. "But after everything Your Grace has done for me, how could I possibly serve two masters? That's why I came to inform you immediately."
The Duchess fanned herself furiously, trying to contain her anger.
I quietly poured more tea into her cup.
She was clearly struggling to maintain her composure, but the trembling in her hands made it obvious how furious she truly was.
"That old man should be waiting quietly for his coffin," she muttered. "Instead he wastes his time plotting petty schemes. Tell me, Killian—what do you think the king intends?"
That was quite the tone for speaking about the monarch of the empire.
"I imagine he's trying to gather evidence that Your Grace is mistreating the princess," I said thoughtfully. "If he found something he could exploit legally, he might attempt to dismantle the Kensington System."
"Yes, that must be it," the Duchess said bitterly. "Instead of aging gracefully, he spends his time plotting."
"Please don't worry," I said reassuringly. "There's nothing His Majesty can actually do. You haven't broken any laws, and the letters he receives from me will contain nothing but ordinary reports. If you wish, you may review them before I send them."
Even if someone tried to frame her actions as wrongdoing, it would be difficult.
In modern times, the way the Duchess treated Victoria might easily qualify as child abuse.
But this was the romantic nineteenth century.
Parents could push their children mercilessly, and society would simply shrug.
"So you believe the king will eventually give up?" she asked.
"Yes. Once he sees there's nothing to pursue, he'll likely lose interest."
The Duchess took a slow breath.
"Yes… you're right. Even a king cannot simply do whatever he wants anymore."
Then she looked at me with obvious satisfaction.
"I must say, Killian, Sir John Conroy also spoke very highly of you. Thinking back, discovering you at Eton was truly a stroke of fortune."
"You're too kind," I replied with a polite bow. "If anything, I consider it the greatest stroke of fortune that Your Grace happened to visit Eton that day."
For once, that was completely sincere.
The Duchess smiled warmly, clearly pleased.
At this point, it was safe to say that her trust in me was nearly unshakable.
William IV may not have intended it, but his actions had given me a wonderful gift.
I would repay the favor by helping Victoria receive the education he wanted her to have.
If she became an even more capable queen than in the original history—
That would only benefit me.
* * *
The turbulent year 1833 finally ended, and a new year began.
Just as in the history I remembered, not only the Factory Act but also the Slavery Abolition Act passed successfully.
The social repercussions were enormous.
Originally, gradual abolition had been considered the most realistic option.
But after repeated debates, public opinion ultimately favored immediate abolition.
A law was passed requiring the liberation of all slaves within the British Empire within one year.
Soon, newspapers and writers began celebrating the decision.
"Farewell to barbaric times.""The British Empire once again leads the world.""While some nations still enrich themselves through the sweat and tears of Africans, Britain has chosen human dignity over bloodstained profits."
The propaganda was impressive.
Just a century earlier, Britain had been the largest slave-trading nation in the world, with roughly five percent of its economy tied to the slave trade.
And now it was presenting itself as the moral leader of civilization.
Still—
This bold decision had made me a considerable amount of money.
So I had no complaints.
In fact, I almost felt like shouting "Long live the British Empire!"
"This is remarkable," I said, reviewing the reports. "So many plantation owners panic-sold?"
"Yes," James replied. "They never expected the bill to pass so quickly."
"They saw only what they wanted to see. Even a few months ago the direction of the debate was obvious."
"Fortunately for us," James added with a grin.
As I had predicted, plantations dependent on slave labor would not necessarily collapse.
Many regions could simply switch to other cash crops.
Competent plantation owners had prepared contingency plans.
But those weren't the people I targeted.
My targets were those who had relied on slavery purely out of habit.
"Let's see," I said, examining the ledger.
"Just the plantations and land we bought at half price are worth over £200,000. If we resell them, we'll recover our entire investment."
"Some of the more profitable ones could be operated for a few years before selling."
"Maybe," I said after a moment. "But no. Once we reach our target profit, sell everything. There's no reason to take additional risks. We'll liquidate the American investments at the same time."
James nodded.
But the man lounging on the sofa suddenly sprang upright.
"What? You're selling all the land we bought in Chicago?"
That was Wellesley.
"Not immediately," I said. "But we should start preparing next year. I'll convert all your holdings into cash as well."
"Still… the prices are still rising. Isn't it a bit of a waste?"
"We'll earn nearly ten times our original investment. Don't cling to small gains. Real estate can trap your capital for years if you mistime the exit."
More importantly—
Everything had to be liquidated before 1837.
That year would bring a massive financial crisis in the United States.
With the scale of my investments, selling everything at once was impossible.
But if I started in 1835, everything could be converted into cash by 1836.
And once all that money was gathered—
I would finally have the capital necessary to seize the opportunities I had been preparing for.
After all, that was the entire reason I had been expanding my wealth so aggressively.
"Charles, if you truly don't want to sell, I won't force you," I added calmly. "But remember—you've never lost money by following my advice."
"…Fair enough," he sighed. "You're right. Fine, I'll trust you again. Honestly, I barely have time to think about investments these days."
"Because of Parliament?"
"Exactly. That's why I came here today. I waited until you finished your business before bringing it up."
"Then go ahead."
Even though I knew many major events of the future, I didn't know every detail of British politics.
For example, I knew that Robert Peel would eventually return the Conservatives to power.
But I didn't know exactly when.
Which meant information from people like Wellesley or Disraeli was extremely valuable.
That was the entire reason I had pushed them toward political careers in the first place.
"So… where should I start?" Wellesley said thoughtfully. "The best way to describe it is that a long-building tension has finally exploded."
"You can explain it however you like."
"Alright. Then I'll put it simply."
Wellesley looked at me meaningfully.
"The epicenter of the crisis is…"
He paused.
"Ireland."
"…?"
Ireland?
Why on earth would that suddenly appear here?
* * *
Nearly every British politician agreed on one thing.
The Irish Question had to be resolved.
The problem was that the "Irish Question" was far too complicated to summarize in a single issue.
Scotland also had grievances against England.
But Ireland was on an entirely different level.
The discrimination and injustices suffered by the Irish far exceeded anything experienced elsewhere in the United Kingdom.
Irish politicians openly claimed that England treated them like a colony.
One major reason for this divide was religion.
Most Irish people were Catholic.
Yet the official Church of Ireland belonged to the Anglican Church.
During the government of the Duke of Wellington, Catholics had finally been allowed to hold public office.
But that reform barely reduced the conflict.
Even that small concession triggered furious backlash across England.
Politicians faced an impossible dilemma.
Support Ireland—and anger the Anglican Church.
Support the Church—and provoke Irish rebellion.
For decades, British politicians had avoided the dilemma by siding with the Church.
After all—
Blood is thicker than water.
But resentment eventually explodes.
And by 1834, the Irish leader Daniel O'Connell had already secured 42 parliamentary seats.
The issue could no longer be ignored.
The ruling Whig Party, emboldened by recent reforms, believed the time had come to address Ireland.
Prime Minister Charles Grey had already passed the Reform Act, the Factory Act, and the Slavery Abolition Act.
His confidence was high.
If he could resolve the Irish issue as well—
And secure Ireland as a political base—
The Whigs might remain in power for twenty years.
But inside his own party, opposition suddenly erupted.
"Prime Minister, we cannot support interfering with the Irish Church."
"The Anglican Church—and the Tories—will fiercely oppose it."
"His Majesty has already been showing signs of restraining us recently. This would give him the perfect excuse."
But others disagreed.
"Former Prime Minister, I support the proposal. The Whigs must demonstrate even greater reformist momentum."
Grey's Irish Church Reform Bill was far more controversial than he expected.
Ironically, the proposal itself was extremely reasonable.
Most Irish citizens were Catholic.
Yet they were legally required to pay tithes to support the Anglican Church.
Grey proposed reducing the number of Anglican bishops in Ireland and redistributing excess funds more fairly.
But the Whigs themselves were divided.
"Why can none of you see the broader picture?" Grey argued. "This isn't just about charity for Ireland. If we secure Irish support, we can crush the Tories permanently."
"But we risk alienating Anglican voters."
Grey shook his head.
"The only votes we lose are those of the Irish Anglican minority. Anglican voters in England may complain, but their lives won't be affected. They'll forget within a few years."
Meanwhile—
Irish voters would experience immediate relief.
If the Whigs secured Ireland's support, they could dominate a region that held 105 seats out of 658 in the House of Commons.
It was an enormous electoral prize.
Yet the party still could not unite.
"Prime Minister, perhaps we should wait a few years."
"If we wait, it may be too late."
"But the opposition will be overwhelming."
Grey sighed.
During the Royal Academic event, he had met a young Irish student named Killian Gore.
And from that meeting he had deduced something important about the Tories.
Why would the Duke of Wellington take such interest in a mere Irish student?
Because the Tories had realized something.
Ireland could become the decisive political battlefield.
They were likely cultivating promising Irish youths to serve as political symbols.
Killian Gore was probably just one of them.
Grey himself would have trained ten such students if he were planning the same strategy.
"So be it," Grey said finally. "Arguing here will accomplish nothing."
He stood.
"I have another meeting. Continue discussing the matter among yourselves."
"With whom are you meeting, Prime Minister?"
"Someone relevant to this bill, of course."
If the Whigs lacked votes within their party—
They could simply obtain them elsewhere.
"The man I'm meeting is Daniel O'Connell."
Grey left the room without waiting for a reply.
As he walked toward his carriage, he thought carefully.
Does O'Connell know about the Tory strategy yet?
If not—
Perhaps he should inform him.
After all, the Irish political leader might soon find himself competing with a rising young Irish figure.
Even if Britain considered Killian Gore an outsider—
Within Ireland, he belonged to an old noble family.
And with Tory backing behind him—
It was almost inevitable that Killian would someday become a significant political figure there.
Grey smiled faintly.
In that case… perhaps there's a move worth attempting.
And his steps toward the carriage quickened.