After successfully striking a deal with Daniel O'Connell, I would have preferred to sit back and wait patiently for the results.
Unfortunately, I didn't have that luxury.
I still had to maintain my reputation as Eton's perpetual top student, manage business matters with James, and at the same time coach Charles Wellesley so he could stand out in the House of Commons.
If that were all, I might still have been able to relax on weekends—sharing tea with Victoria and restoring a bit of my sanity.
But after forming a private understanding with William IV, even those peaceful tea times became impossible.
The reason was simple.
"Today's topic," I began, "is the procedures of Parliament, the monarch's role within them, and the importance of maintaining balance among competing political factions. His Majesty is particularly eager for you to develop this balancing ability in the future."
"An interesting topic," Victoria replied with bright curiosity. "I've actually been waiting for the chance to study something like this."
That was because—
I had effectively become responsible for her royal education.
To be honest, Victoria was far behind in several areas a future monarch should already understand.
And the reason for that gap was obvious.
The Duchess of Kent.
Every nation places enormous importance on educating its heir.
History, literature, languages, philosophy, mathematics, science—
Along with training in politics, military affairs, and naval command.
Add to that religious and diplomatic education.
That was the normal curriculum for a royal successor.
Victoria, however, had received excellent instruction in literature, classics, and philosophy.
But her political and military education was severely lacking.
Concerned about this, William IV had ordered that she study those missing subjects with me—and that I report her progress regularly by letter.
I understood the reasoning.
Without intervention, she might only begin learning the essentials of kingship after becoming queen.
Still, it meant I had gone from simply recommending books she wanted to read—
To serving as her unofficial tutor.
An exhausting role I had never asked for.
Though admittedly, it was also an investment in the future.
"Let's begin by discussing Britain's parliamentary system," I said.
"Oh, I already know the basics," Victoria replied quickly. "Didn't we review them together before?"
"That's true."
I had already explained how votes were conducted in the House of Commons, how veto powers worked in the House of Lords and the Crown, and why the monarch must respect parliamentary decisions.
"But Killian," she said thoughtfully, "based on everything you've told me… is the royal veto actually necessary? It hasn't been used for 130 years, and it sounds like it shouldn't be used again."
"You're correct," I said.
"The last time a monarch exercised the veto was Queen Anne in 1708. Since then, no king or queen has used it."
"It's a sword that should never be drawn."
"But even a sword in its sheath can still serve as a threat."
"But it's just decoration if it's never used," she argued.
"That decorative sword," I said calmly, "is what compels others to follow your will. We call that political power."
"And once you ascend the throne, that will be your most important skill."
Victoria nodded.
But judging by her expression, she didn't fully grasp the idea yet.
Politics was easier to understand through examples.
So instead of the summary notes from William's recommended reading, I placed several newspapers in front of her.
The headlines read:
Signs of division within the Whig Party. Minister Stanley resigns while criticizing the Church Reform Bill.
House of Lords expected to veto Church Reform. Bill likely to collapse.
Anglican bishops formally oppose the reform.
King William IV refuses Prime Minister Charles Grey's request to expand the House of Lords.
Every newspaper—Whig or Tory—was reporting on the unfolding political crisis.
Politics was a living organism.
To develop instinct, real events were far more useful than textbooks.
"Victoria," I said, "as I mentioned before, the seemingly stable Whig government is beginning to fracture."
"There are many reasons for this, but let's analyze it strictly from the King's perspective."
"Why do you think His Majesty rejected Grey's request?"
She thought for a moment.
"Because Britain has an established church, and opposition from various groups is strong?"
"On the surface, yes."
"But in reality, that opposition is exaggerated."
Most ordinary British citizens simply didn't care much about church reforms.
Industrialization had changed society.
The average person's biggest concerns were now simple:
money and jobs.
When survival was at stake, religious disputes lost their urgency.
"Then perhaps His Majesty is simply conservative," Victoria said slowly. "And uneasy about the pace of reforms."
"That's part of it."
"But the real issue is the balance of political power."
"The Whigs have ruled as the majority party for four years," I explained. "And Grey now hopes to strengthen their position further by gaining Irish support."
Victoria's eyes lit up.
"Oh! I see."
"If the Whigs absorb Ireland's support, their dominance will become even stronger—and that would disrupt the political balance."
"Exactly."
"So the King has made a calculated move."
"By weakening the Whigs and strengthening the Tories, he restores balance—and strengthens his own authority in the process."
Victoria frowned slightly.
"So a monarch shouldn't interfere in policy based purely on personal preferences…"
"Correct."
Her voice grew more serious.
Her brow furrowed with concern for the future.
"Don't worry," I reassured her. "You still have nearly three years before adulthood."
"And fortunately, current events are providing excellent opportunities for learning."
"That's true," she said with renewed determination.
"But I have another question."
"If the King weakens the Whigs and Grey resigns, he'll need to appoint a new prime minister."
"Would His Majesty really appoint a Tory?"
Ordinarily, the monarch formally appoints the prime minister recommended by Parliament.
In practice, however, the leader of the majority party always takes the position.
But William IV would become the last British monarch to appoint a prime minister against Parliament's wishes.
"Most likely," I said, "he will appoint Robert Peel."
"If Peel wins the upcoming election, the Whigs' momentum will collapse and the Tories will return to power."
"And since the King created that situation, his influence will become stronger than ever."
Victoria considered this carefully.
"But what if the Whigs still win the election?"
"That's entirely possible," she said. "Even with everything happening, they still seem strong."
She was right.
Which was exactly why no monarch after William IV ever attempted such a move again.
But the fact that she could analyze the situation so quickly—
That alone proved she had strong instincts.
If properly educated, she might become a far more powerful monarch than the one recorded in history.
"Elections are unpredictable," I said. "No one knows the outcome until the votes are counted."
"But it's also possible that no one will truly win."
"The Tories, the Whigs, and even the King might all end up dissatisfied."
Victoria tilted her head.
"Then who benefits?"
"That's your homework," I said with a smile. "Watch the election closely and tell me your answer later."
She laughed softly.
"I thought we were studying together, but somehow I'm the only one being taught."
She paused before asking another question.
"Killian… do you want to enter Parliament after you graduate?"
Her eyes sparkled with curiosity.
It was the first time she had asked about my future.
"I'll inherit a title," I replied. "Which means I can't sit in the House of Commons."
"And unless I'm chosen as a representative of Ireland, I can't sit in the House of Lords either."
"So you'll return to Northern Ireland?"
"I'll travel back and forth. But London is where I feel most at home."
She smiled slightly.
"So if you had the chance, you would enter the House of Lords, correct?"
"If I become queen, I would have the authority to grant you a title…"
She deliberately left the sentence unfinished.
Was she testing me?
Or simply teasing?
Either way, I shook my head.
"You don't need to worry about that."
"There are other ways to enter Parliament besides receiving a title from the Crown."
"Hmm…"
Victoria studied me carefully.
Then she asked casually:
"Are you planning to marry a woman who can inherit a title?"
What kind of question was that?
Still, I shook my head again.
"I wouldn't make the most important decision of my life just to obtain a title."
Unless it granted something I could never achieve on my own—
A political marriage like that simply wasn't worth it.
For some reason, my answer seemed to amuse her.
She smiled.
"That's the right attitude."
"If you want something, you should obtain it through your own ability."
Then she asked quietly:
"But Killian… what if the thing you want is difficult to achieve because of your birth?"
"Would you still pursue it?"
"Of course," I replied.
"Overcoming those obstacles is part of the reward."
"And striving for something difficult forces you to grow stronger."
"I think that's a good thing."
In truth, I knew that reaching the highest ranks of British society would require extraordinary achievements.
But with the foundations I was building—
And with Victoria's future influence—
Eventually Britain itself would come to need me.
"That's a wonderful mindset," Victoria said warmly.
"I hope it never changes."
She looked unusually cheerful.
I finished my tea and stood.
The sun hadn't set yet.
But I still had work to do.
Preparing for the upcoming election meant starting immediately.
At this rate, even two bodies might not be enough.
* * *
Four days later.
Following the resignation of multiple ministers and the King's intervention—
Charles Grey finally succumbed to pressure.
After four years as prime minister, he stepped down.
Newsboys filled the streets shouting:
"Extra! Extra! Prime Minister Charles Grey resigns!"
"Viscount Melbourne chosen as interim Whig leader!"
"Robert Peel expected to become the next prime minister!"
Newspapers printed special editions with gleeful enthusiasm.
The noise from the streets was impossible to ignore.
"…Remarkable," Daniel O'Connell said, laying a newspaper on the table.
"It happened exactly as you predicted."
"The prime minister resigned due to conflict with the Crown and the Church. Melbourne claims he will continue pursuing the reform bill—but it's clearly finished."
"Then our agreement stands," I said calmly.
"Every condition you set has come to pass."
"Yes," O'Connell said.
"And the man sitting beside you proves that everything you told me was true."
He turned toward Charles Wellesley, who smiled politely and extended his hand.
"Killian has explained everything," Wellesley said. "I hope we can build a productive relationship—cooperating where possible and debating where necessary."
"Does Robert Peel know about our arrangement?" O'Connell asked.
"No," Wellesley replied. "This is a secret agreement. If your support becomes necessary, I'll claim that I negotiated it personally."
"And if the Tory leadership refuses our demands?"
"That won't happen," Wellesley said confidently.
O'Connell glanced at me.
"Killian told me the younger Tory faction holds significant influence. Is that really true?"
"Not yet," Wellesley admitted.
"But after the upcoming election, it will be."
"With your cooperation."
O'Connell nodded.
"Then let's make it official."
"If our combined seats exceed a majority after the election, pass the tithe reform portion of the Church Reform Bill first."
"In return, we will support the next bill the Tories propose."
"Agreed," Wellesley said.
"But for that agreement to matter, we must win the election."
He looked at me.
O'Connell did the same.
Both men's eyes carried the same expectation.
I had brought them together.
So now they expected a strategy.
And I gave them exactly that.
"Our objective in the coming election is simple."
"We eliminate Whig influence in Ireland entirely."
First, the Whigs would be expelled from Ireland's central regions.
The Tories and O'Connell would divide those seats.
Eventually I would inherit the political base of Northern Ireland.
And when O'Connell retired—
I would absorb his influence as well.
At that point, there would be only one power capable of shaping Ireland's future.
Me.
And with that—
I had finally taken the first real step toward the summit I intended to reach.