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Chapter 50 - I’ll Take My Share

"To explain them in order," Killian said calmly, "one of the three proposals won't affect public opinion in Britain at all. Another will likely receive overwhelming support. The last one will provoke serious division. Which would you like to hear first?"

Robert Peel leaned back slightly.

"They say it's better to take the worst blow first. Let's start with the most controversial one. But I trust you understand that if public opinion in Britain strongly opposes it, I will have no choice but to prioritize the homeland over Ireland."

"Of course," Killian replied. "Ireland will certainly be affected, but this isn't limited to Ireland. Strictly speaking, what I'm asking isn't the passage of a new law—but the abolition of an existing one."

"…Abolition?"

Peel's eyes narrowed.

"Yes," Killian said.

"I would like you to abolish the Corn Laws. If that's impossible immediately, then gradually relax them over the next two years before eliminating them entirely."

Peel let out a long breath.

"I suspected as much. But you're actually proposing to dismantle the Corn Laws?"

"More importantly—why would Ireland even bring this up?"

Then he paused.

"…Actually, Irish landlords might think that way as well. But abolishing the Corn Laws…"

He rubbed his temple.

"Hmm…"

Killian expected exactly that reaction.

The name might sound unremarkable.

But the Corn Laws influenced every aspect of British society—politics, economics, and class relations.

Their origin was simple.

During the Napoleonic Wars, Britain's food prices skyrocketed due to wartime demand and rapid industrialization.

Landowners profited enormously.

But prosperity never lasts forever.

Once the wars ended, demand fell, agricultural technology improved, and food prices began to stabilize.

At that point, the British Parliament—dominated by landowners—passed a law to protect their profits.

Foreign grain imports were banned unless the domestic price of wheat rose above 80 shillings per quarter.

On paper, it was protectionism.

In reality, it was far worse.

The price threshold had never once been reached since the law's passage.

Which meant the law effectively banned foreign grain entirely.

Public anger had been rising for years.

Even the government's minor adjustments had done little to calm it.

"Right now," Killian continued, "the only people still defending the Corn Laws are a small number of landowners."

"Unfortunately, many of them sit in the House of Lords or belong to our party."

"That's why abolition hasn't happened."

"But it also means something else."

"If anyone can reform the law, it's you, Prime Minister."

Peel nodded slowly.

"I agree the Corn Laws are a harmful policy."

"But you must realize something."

"If handled poorly, this could split our party apart."

"Even the Whigs lost power due to internal division."

"This is extremely risky."

"That's precisely why it must happen early in your term," Killian replied immediately.

"Even if conflicts arise, the next election is still two or three years away."

"That's enough time to stabilize the situation."

"And the popularity gained from abolishing the Corn Laws will remain."

In the original course of history, the Corn Laws would indeed be repealed by Robert Peel roughly a decade later.

Peel believed deeply in free trade and considered protectionism harmful to the national economy.

With the right push, he was almost destined to follow that path.

And for Killian's own plans—

the Corn Laws needed to disappear as soon as possible.

"More importantly," Killian continued, "the Corn Laws will eventually damage aristocratic privilege as well."

Peel raised an eyebrow.

"How so?"

"It's not only workers who hate the Corn Laws," Killian explained.

"If bread becomes expensive, factory owners must pay higher wages."

Even the most ruthless capitalist understood one simple reality.

Workers had to eat.

If wages dropped below the cost of bread, workers would starve.

And if workers starved—

the factories would stop.

In an era without minimum wage laws, the price of food effectively determined the minimum wage.

Which created an unusual situation.

Both workers and industrial capitalists opposed the Corn Laws.

"Exactly," Killian said.

"What happens when public opinion continues turning against the law?"

"If you ask one hundred workers which law should be abolished immediately, at least ninety will say the Corn Laws."

"But workers have no way to abolish it themselves."

"They have no vote."

Peel nodded slowly.

"So they will demand the right to vote."

"At the very least," Killian said, "this will create momentum for that demand."

"You've already expanded voting rights recently by adjusting property requirements."

"That alone will strengthen the sentiment."

"Politically speaking, a well-fed dog rarely bites its master."

"The landlords must realize they are undermining their own position."

Peel was silent for several seconds.

"…You may be right."

"If we frame the issue carefully, opposition in the House of Lords might be softened."

He laughed.

"I've learned something today."

"Your political instincts are remarkable."

"I've also consulted many advisers," Killian said modestly.

"If we neutralize landowner opposition, the only remaining critics will be protectionists."

"And I'm currently preparing a paper that addresses their arguments using economic theory."

If the Corn Laws could be abolished without alienating the landed class entirely—

the Conservative Party would achieve one of the greatest political victories imaginable.

Peel himself would be praised as a capable reformer.

Killian didn't waste the moment.

He immediately introduced the second proposal.

"The second measure will actually receive strong support in the provinces."

"I'd like the Municipal Reform Act, currently planned only for England and Wales, to be extended to Ireland and Scotland."

"You don't need to implement it immediately."

"A commission to study the matter would be enough for now."

Peel nodded almost immediately.

"That shouldn't cause much trouble."

"In fact, it might help calm public sentiment in Ireland and Scotland."

"Local elites benefiting from corruption will oppose it—but that will only improve our party's image."

"Exactly," Killian said.

"Combined with tithe reform, Irish voters will feel their support for the Conservatives has produced real results."

And if local government systems began reflecting regional influence more accurately—

Killian and O'Connell would both gain greater power.

A perfect balance of public reform and private advantage.

Peel leaned forward.

"So what's the final proposal?"

"You said it wouldn't affect public opinion in Britain."

"Yes," Killian said.

"I would like you to add several exceptions to laws governing resource extraction and land settlement near the Great Lakes in Canada."

Peel frowned.

"You mean modifications to the Crown Lands Act and the seigneurial tenure system?"

"Why would someone from Ireland suddenly be interested in Canada?"

At the time, Canada was divided into two colonies:

Upper Canada (modern Ontario)

Lower Canada (modern Quebec)

Both regions had strict laws regulating land use and natural resources.

"If the Corn Laws are abolished," Killian explained, "agriculture will change across both Britain and Ireland."

"Ireland's population is also continuing to grow."

"But the island cannot support that growth indefinitely."

Peel nodded.

"That's true. Most people survive on potatoes and milk."

"Exactly."

"If population rises while production remains limited, living standards will inevitably decline."

"That benefits neither you, nor me, nor the landowners supporting us in Northern Ireland."

Peel paused.

"…And what does Canada have to do with that?"

Then realization dawned.

"…Ah."

"You're planning to send surplus population to Canada."

Killian smiled slightly.

"Precisely."

That explanation was convenient.

But Killian's true reason went deeper.

He was preparing for something the world had not yet seen—

the coming Irish Potato Famine.

Even with preparation, Ireland could not abandon potato farming overnight.

The disaster was inevitable.

Cheap imported grain would help, but Ireland remained too poor to feed its entire population.

Mass migration was unavoidable.

But Killian wanted to prevent Irish emigrants from flooding into the United States as they did in real history.

Instead—

they would settle in Canada.

"If we secure farmland and economic opportunities in Canada now," Killian said, "Irish immigrants will settle there much more easily."

Peel nodded thoughtfully.

"Expanding Canada's population has already been discussed."

"Especially to counter American expansion."

"But Canada still has the reputation of being a remote frontier."

"If your supporters want to invest there, Parliament will hardly object."

"Even the Whigs will likely support it."

"This could pass this year."

Killian smiled inwardly.

Britain still did not fully understand the strategic value of the Great Lakes region.

Industrialization there would explode decades later.

But with sufficient capital and population—

the transformation could begin far sooner.

And if Irish immigrants dominated Canada's population…

Killian's influence would eventually extend across the colony.

At that time, the population was tiny.

Upper Canada: 400,000 people

Lower Canada: under 1 million

The snowball had barely begun rolling.

"Thank you, Prime Minister," Killian said.

"This will greatly help my uncle and me manage local opinion."

"We will do everything possible to support your government."

Peel laughed warmly.

"Very well."

"If you continue demonstrating such ability, my expectations for the Earl of Arran will only grow."

"So we have an agreement."

"Make sure O'Connell and Ireland support our party…"

He corrected himself.

"…support me."

"You'll see results soon," Killian replied.

The meeting ended in a friendly atmosphere.

Both men left smiling.

Killian had completed all preparations for his ascent.

Now—

he only needed to wait for the winds to carry him forward.

* * *

Peel kept his promise.

A commission was immediately established to examine extending municipal reforms to Ireland and Scotland.

Amendments were also quietly added to Canadian resource laws.

No one raised objections.

Because all political attention had shifted to a single issue.

The Corn Laws.

In Parliament, debate raged.

"Honorable members!" one speaker shouted.

"How long must we carry this outdated law?"

"The Corn Laws harm our economy and the lives of our citizens!"

Protectionists responded fiercely.

"If tariffs disappear, rural communities will collapse!"

"Our food security will be endangered!"

Charles Wellesley stood again.

"That argument belongs to a bygone era."

"I encourage everyone to read the paper written by Killian Gore, Earl of Arran, a student at Eton College."

"He has applied David Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage to real trade data."

"Professors at Oxford and Cambridge have already recognized the value of this work."

"Even our party's well-known protectionist, Benjamin Disraeli, has changed his opinion regarding the Corn Laws after reading it."

The author was only fifteen years old.

But the theory itself was not new.

It originated from the brilliant British economist David Ricardo.

Killian had simply connected Ricardo's theory to undeniable economic data.

In real history, Ricardo's ideas gained prominence during the Corn Law debates.

Killian had merely accelerated that process by a decade.

Still—

a fifteen-year-old producing such a paper attracted enormous attention.

Killian was invited to observe parliamentary debates as an economic expert.

His name spread rapidly among political and academic circles.

And importantly—

his first public reputation became that of a brilliant economist, not merely an ambitious young politician.

"The data speaks for itself!" Wellesley declared.

"Britain should focus on its thriving manufacturing and textile industries instead of protecting grain prices!"

"And if improvements are made to steam-powered machinery, our profits will grow even further!"

Opponents protested.

"What about the farmers who lose their livelihoods?"

"Should we let them starve?"

"Each lost agricultural job will be replaced by three or four new ones in industry!"

"The government can assist that transition!"

The evidence supported repeal.

But decades of entrenched political inertia made change painfully slow.

The debate lasted nearly a full year.

Finally—

the Corn Law repeal passed Parliament.

By the time the policy actually took effect, the year was nearly over.

Amid the fierce debates and shifting social order—

1837 was approaching.

And as the new year drew closer—

the newspapers turned their attention toward Kensington Palace and Buckingham Palace.

Because 1837 would mark a historic moment.

The year when Victoria would finally come of age—and ascend the throne.

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