Sevastopol Fortress Falls!
As this news spread with the coming of spring in 1851, the long-standing stalemate on the Baltic front was shaken to its core.
And the British Empire already had everything prepared to amplify that news faster—and more decisively.
-"War correspondents embedded with the army, and information transmitted instantly through the telegraph—these are our greatest strengths."
-"Photographs are already arriving one after another from the Black Sea through the Adriatic. Combined with the vast amount of propaganda material His Royal Highness has prepared, we simply need to distribute them all."
-"His Royal Highness's tongue—no, his information warfare capability—is worth several divisions on its own."
-"At this rate, shouldn't we officially create a position for him within the army? Even if he were made a full Marshal of Information and Propaganda, no one would object."
-"Ahem. Why is it that our dear army comrades always stumble at the crucial moment? His Highness is an Admiral—a naval officer! If he is to be given a formal post, it should naturally be within the navy."
-"Isn't that a bit greedy of the navy? If His Highness already holds a naval rank, then the army should establish something of its own for him as well!"
Leaving aside the meeting that devolved into a tug-of-war between the army and navy over Killian, it didn't take long for the sensational news—the end of the Black Sea front—to spread across the world.
[The British Empire captures Sevastopol Fortress, tightening its grip on the Crimean Peninsula!]
[Field Marshal FitzRoy: "Once our troops have rested, we will immediately advance to occupy Ukraine. Coordination with the French army has already been completed."]
[What led to Russia's defeat? A deep analysis of Gennady Nevelskoy, the final loyalist who condemned the Tsar and took his own life]
"Hahahahaha!"
"Hehehehehe."
Prussia.
Royal Palace in Berlin.
"Your Majesty, what did I say? Russia could never be a match for Britain."
"Some predicted Britain would suffer heavy losses even in victory. What nonsense. Useless fools who do nothing but waste bread."
"If Prussia had not joined the war, we would have been trapped between Austria, France, and Britain."
"Yes, yes. As expected, Bismarck, your judgment was correct."
Even after Prussia decided to enter the war, there were still many among the Junkers who criticized the decision.
Russia was a powerful nation. Even if Britain won, both sides would suffer heavy losses—so remaining neutral would better prepare Prussia for the postwar world.
It wasn't an unreasonable argument.
No matter how dominant Britain was, Russia was still considered the second great power of Europe.
Even with France added to the equation, Britain had not committed its full strength.
In fact, the nations bearing the heaviest burden in this war were France and Russia. Strictly speaking, it was more accurate to say Britain had intervened in a war between those two.
And yet—
As if to prove those cautious arguments wrong, Britain had crushed Russia.
In distant Asia, Russia's prized new port had been destroyed. Its Pacific islands had all been seized.
Not only had it lost control of the Black Sea, it had lost Crimea—and even the Sea of Azov.
Worse, by concentrating forces in the Baltic, it had weakened other fronts. Even in the Caucasus, where it once held the advantage, it was now being pushed back by the Ottomans.
Russia seemed to believe time was on its side—but considering the endless flow of supplies from Canada, that too was nothing but a delusion.
Had Prussia remained neutral, as the Junkers suggested, it would have become an isolated island on the continent.
"Bismarck, how much longer do you think Russia can hold out?"
"At most, two months."
"Then negotiations will soon begin under the assumption of Russia's surrender. As a victorious nation, Prussia has the right to claim spoils. I'm thinking of sending you as our representative. What do you think?"
"There are still many who criticize me as an upstart Junker. Will that be acceptable?"
"You were the one who most strongly argued for entering this war. I'll silence any opposition—so don't worry."
Russia would likely send Foreign Minister Alexander Gorchakov.
As for Britain's representative—there was no need to guess.
Bismarck bowed his head without hesitation.
"If entrusted with this task, I will devote everything to the glory of Prussia."
"Good. I ask only one thing—bring back even a fraction more than Austria. Keep that in mind."
This victory was not the end—it was the beginning.
A newly reshaped postwar world.
France would seek to restore its former glory. Austria would do the same.
Whether Prussia could rise would depend on how it handled the power vacuum left by Russia's defeat.
But Bismarck was confident.
Who else among those gathered could claim to have seen, heard, and experienced the British Empire firsthand in London?
Even if there were such a person, none had followed Killian as closely as he had—gaining priceless experience.
Including that near-loss—no, victory—against two young communists, which he had already recorded in his journal.
One day, it might serve as valuable historical material.
And now, it was time to add another line to that record.
Last time, I was merely a provincial Junker. This time, I will stand as the head of Prussia's delegation.
What kind of reaction would he show?
Suppressing the anticipation rising within him, Bismarck accepted Friedrich Wilhelm IV's command.
Your Highness Killian… I am coming to meet you.