Over the past several hours, the mood had changed noticeably. At the beginning of the session, many had still viewed the congress primarily as a gathering of representatives of Soviet organizations whose task was to develop a common political position. Now, however, it was becoming clear that the discussion was inevitably moving far beyond an ordinary resolution.
The issue was power.
The chairman took his place and waited until the last conversations died down.
—"Comrades, we will continue our discussion of the question of power in Ukraine. A sufficient number of different opinions have already been expressed. Now we must move from general discussion to concrete proposals."
The hall fell silent.
—"The first proposal is to recognize the establishment of Soviet power throughout the territory of Ukraine as necessary and to create a single all-Ukrainian body to exercise it."
Several delegates immediately raised their hands.
The chairman gave the floor to one of them.
—"I support the proposal, but I believe we need to clarify its meaning. If we recognize Soviet power as the sole authority today, we must clearly determine what that means in practice."
—"What exactly do you want clarified?"
—"Who will exercise this authority? Who will be responsible for its decisions? How will local soviets receive instructions? And who will represent Ukraine in relations with other states and with the Soviet government in Petrograd?"
Several people murmured approvingly.
The question was obvious.
Proclaiming power was considerably easier than creating the mechanism through which it would actually operate.
Another delegate rose from his seat.
—"That is precisely why we need a Central Executive Committee. It must become the highest organ of Soviet power between congresses and ensure communication between the local soviets."
—"And the executive authority?"
—"That will require a separate government."
—"Which one?"
—"The People's Secretariat."
The name caused another wave of discussion.
The chairman struck the table with his gavel.
—"Please maintain order."
But the discussion could no longer be stopped by a single remark.
One of the representatives of the Ukrainian socialists rose.
—"I would like to draw the comrades' attention to another matter. We are talking about creating an authority that will act in the name of Ukraine. Therefore, we must also determine its political character. We cannot simply replace one administrative apparatus with another and consider the question settled."
—"What do you propose?"
—"That the new authority rely upon the soviets, rather than only upon representatives appointed from above."
—"That is precisely what is being proposed."
—"Not quite. I am saying that the local soviets must retain a real role in government."
—"Of course."
—"Then that must be stated explicitly."
The chairman looked toward the presidium table.
—"Your proposal will be included in the draft."
Another delegate rose.
—"But I believe we are currently paying too much attention to the structure of the future government and not enough to the question of its political legitimacy."
The hall grew quieter.
—"If we declare the Central Rada an illegitimate authority, we must explain on what grounds the new authority gains the right to speak on behalf of all Ukraine."
Voices came from several parts of the hall.
—"On behalf of the soviets."
—"Not only the soviets."
The speaker continued:
—"That is precisely the main problem. We cannot claim to represent all of Ukraine simply because we have gathered a congress in Kharkiv."
—"Can the Central Rada?"
—"It must prove its right to do so as well."
—"But it has already declared itself the supreme organ of the Ukrainian People's Republic."
—"That is precisely why we are here."
An approving murmur spread through the hall.
The delegate continued:
—"We cannot leave the situation as it is. On one side stands the Central Rada, which claims the right to make decisions on behalf of Ukraine. On the other stand the soviets, which believe that this authority does not represent their interests. If we simply leave now, nothing will change."
He paused.
—"Therefore, the question is not whether a conflict already exists. It does. The question is whether we will create a political body capable of representing Soviet Ukraine in this conflict."
His final words were met with prolonged applause.
The chairman allowed several more delegates to speak.
One of them spoke about the position of the workers.
—"In the factories, people are waiting for more than new declarations. They want to know whom they should obey, who is responsible for supplies, who is supposed to keep transportation operating, and who will defend the decisions of the soviets."
Another raised the question of the soldiers.
—"The same thing is happening in the garrisons. Soldiers are receiving contradictory orders. Some are being told to obey the Central Rada, others the local soviets. Under such conditions, it is impossible to establish a stable authority."
—"Therefore, we need a single center."
—"Exactly."
—"And what if some of the soviets refuse to recognize it?"
The speaker looked toward the man who had asked the question.
—"Then we will have to work with them politically. But the absence of a single center will not solve the problem. It will only leave the problem to each individual city."
The same idea was being repeated with increasing frequency: the new organ of power had to be created immediately.
Yet the question of the Central Rada remained the most contentious issue.
One of the delegates who had earlier argued against excessively radical decisions rose again.
—"Comrades, I still believe that we must exercise caution. We are preparing to make a decision that would effectively mean the creation of two competing systems of authority. Should we not first attempt to reach an agreement?"
A voice came from the floor.
—"We have already tried to reach an agreement with the Central Rada."
—"But negotiations are not a reason to abandon negotiations."
—"How many more negotiations do we need?"
—"As many as necessary to avoid civil war."
The hall fell silent.
The response did not come immediately.
—"We did not start the civil war."
—"But creating an alternative government will not stop it."
—"And refusing to create such a government will?"
There was no answer to that question.
The chairman gave the floor to the next delegate.
This time, a representative of a workers' soviet from an eastern industrial district stepped onto the podium.
—"We must proceed not from which decision seems most convenient to us, but from what has already happened. The Central Rada has refused to accept the demands of Soviet power. It does not recognize our authority. It continues to build its own political system and control armed forces."
He looked across the hall.
—"Under these circumstances, the creation of our own authority is no longer a matter of preference. It is a necessity."
—"And what happens after that?"
—"After that, the soviets will have a single political center."
—"And will that be enough?"
—"No."
He paused briefly.
—"But without it, nothing else is possible."
His words were met with approval.
The chairman read out the draft resolution.
It proposed recognizing the authority of the soviets in Ukraine and creating central organs to exercise it.
After the reading, discussion of the wording began.
Some proposed making the text more forceful.
Others demanded that certain passages be removed because they could be interpreted as a direct declaration of war against the Central Rada.
Several delegates argued over whether the existing government should be explicitly called illegitimate.
—"If we consider it illegitimate, that must be stated openly."
—"But a political resolution must leave room for individual institutions to come over to our side."
—"We cannot declare an authority illegitimate while simultaneously offering it cooperation."
—"We can distinguish the leadership from the local soviets. Not everyone currently working in the existing institutions is our opponent."
The proposal attracted considerable interest.
The chairman allowed the debate to continue.
Gradually, the wording became more precise.
The Central Rada was declared, in the view of the congress, an organ that had no right to represent the interests of the soviets of Ukraine.
The soviets were recognized as the foundation of the new authority.
It was proposed to create a Central Executive Committee that would become the highest organ of Soviet power between congresses.
After it, an executive body — the People's Secretariat — would be established.
Once the main formulations had been agreed upon, the chairman rose.
—"Comrades, I propose that we proceed to the vote on the resolution concerning power."
The hall became completely silent.
The secretaries prepared to record the result.
The chairman read the wording aloud.
—"Those in favor of adopting the resolution?"
Hands rose throughout the hall.
The secretaries began counting.
Several minutes later, the result was announced.
The resolution had passed.
Applause broke out across the hall.
For some, it was the long-awaited result.
For others, it was the moment after which turning back would become considerably more difficult.
But now the next step had to be taken.
The decision itself was not enough.
An organ capable of carrying it out had to be created.
The chairman took the floor again.
—"Comrades, the decision has been made. Now we face the next task — forming the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Ukraine."
Discussion of the composition of the new body began.
Names were proposed.
Representatives of various soviets were put forward.
Particular attention was given to how broadly the east of Ukraine and the other regions should be represented.
One of the delegates rose.
—"If we want this body to truly have an all-Ukrainian character, its composition cannot look like an assembly of representatives from a single city or district."
—"Agreed."
—"We must include representatives of those soviets outside Kharkiv that already support Soviet power."
—"That is already provided for in the draft."
—"Then we must ensure their real participation, not merely their presence on paper."
The discussion continued for a long time.
Eventually, the composition of the Central Executive Committee was approved.
For the first time since the beginning of the congress, the Soviet organizations had a unified political body claiming to represent Soviet power in Ukraine.
But the congress did not stop there.
The next question was the creation of an executive government.
And now they had to decide who exactly would carry out the decisions of the political center they had just created.
After the Central Executive Committee was approved, the discussion moved to the question of executive power.
The main political question had already been decided by the congress. Now an organ had to be created that could turn the adopted resolutions into actual orders.
The chairman rose from his seat.
—"Comrades, the decision to create a central organ of Soviet power has been made. But the executive committee will not be able to handle all the day-to-day work on its own. We need an executive body that will directly carry out the decisions of the congress."
—"A government."
—"Exactly."
Several delegates exchanged glances.
The proposal to create a People's Secretariat had already been discussed, so the debate was now less about whether such a body was necessary and more about how quickly it could begin its work.
One of the delegates rose.
—"I believe we must take into account the situation in which we find ourselves. We are creating a government not after the political crisis has ended, but at a moment when the situation is becoming increasingly tense. Therefore, the new body must be capable of making decisions immediately."
—"Especially on the military question."
—"Exactly."
After those words, the hall became noticeably quieter.
Another delegate rose from his seat.
—"According to the information available to us, Antonov's forces are approaching Ukrainian territory. Their strength is estimated at approximately fifteen thousand men."
Several people exchanged glances.
—"And what can we field?"
—"Our socialist organizations are already forming their own armed detachments. For now, we have managed to gather approximately five to eight thousand men."
—"Then we already have certain forces at our disposal."
—"We do. But that is not enough if we intend not merely to proclaim our authority, but to enforce its decisions."
—"In that case, the new body must immediately address the military question."
—"Of course. But first we must create the body that will be capable of making those decisions."
Another delegate rose.
—"We should not assume that armed forces alone will be enough. Even if we gather several thousand men, they will not be able to govern the country without a political and administrative system."
—"No one is suggesting that."
—"Then we must understand that today we are assuming responsibility not only for political declarations."
He looked across the hall.
—"If we proclaim Soviet power, we will have to ensure that its decisions are carried out."
A representative of the eastern district responded:
—"The responsibility is already ours. The only question is whether we will assume it as a political organization or as a government."
Approving voices rose throughout the hall.
The chairman took the floor again.
—"Comrades, that is precisely why we must proceed to the formation of the People's Secretariat."
The discussion of candidates began.
The conversation now became considerably more practical. They had to determine who would take direct responsibility for individual areas of the new government's work.
Candidates representing various soviets were discussed.
—"I propose including him in the Secretariat. He has experience working in Soviet institutions and knows the situation in the localities well."
—"I support the proposal, but we must also take into account representation from the other districts."
—"Agreed. However, we cannot choose people solely according to where they come from. We need those who can actually do the work."
—"That must be the main requirement."
The chairman recorded the proposal.
—"Any objections?"
Several delegates shook their heads.
The discussion continued.
From time to time, disagreements arose over individual candidates, but there was no longer any fundamental dispute. The main decision of the congress remained unchanged: Soviet power needed its own executive apparatus.
Once the principal candidates had been determined, the chairman read out the final list.
The hall fell silent.
—"Are there any objections?"
Several people exchanged glances.
There were none.
—"Then the composition of the People's Secretariat is approved."
Applause broke out.
One of the delegates rose.
—"Comrades, today we have accomplished something that did not exist before. The soviets have received a unified political center, and now they have an executive body as well."
—"But now we must make sure that the decisions of this body are actually carried out."
—"Exactly."
The chairman nodded.
—"For this purpose, the People's Secretariat will begin its work."
He then took the prepared text of the final declaration from the table.
The hall gradually fell silent.
It was now time to officially announce the result of the entire congress.
—"Comrades, over the past several days we have considered questions upon which the future of the Soviet movement in Ukraine depends."
He paused.
—"The congress has recognized the necessity of establishing Soviet power in Ukraine and creating organs capable of carrying out its decisions."
The hall was completely silent.
—"The Central Executive Committee of the Soviets of Ukraine has been created."
Applause broke out.
—"The People's Secretariat has been formed as the executive organ of Soviet power."
The applause grew louder.
The chairman continued:
—"From this moment onward, the Soviet organizations of Ukraine have a unified political and executive center that will represent their interests and carry out the decisions adopted by this congress."
Noise once again filled the hall.
Some applauded, others spoke quietly with their neighbors, while several delegates were already discussing the first tasks that the new government would have to address.
But the main result had been achieved.
The congress had completed the creation of its own system of power.
Until now, there had been separate soviets, various political organizations, and scattered armed forces.
Now there was a central organ.
There was a government.
And with them came a new center claiming authority over Ukraine.
The Kharkiv Congress of Soviets had ended its work by creating the People's Secretariat.
The struggle for power would now move beyond the walls of the congress hall.
The political decision had been made.
What remained was to prove it by force and establish the authority of the new government throughout Ukraine.