Chapter 462: A Crisis Triggered by Germany – "The Wolf Is Coming!"
In April 1876, Germany, suffering from a new round of economic crisis, clearly showed signs of discontent—especially among the Junker nobles who had attempted to exploit the situation but ended up worse off. In the Imperial Parliament, a Prussian representative declared: "The root cause of this new economic crisis in Germany lies in our lack of vast colonies and populations like Britain and France to absorb our agricultural and industrial products. Nor do we have a vast landmass and abundant resources like the United States to offset economic downturns. As one of the world's major political powers, Germany must possess its own colonies. Our current international status is incompatible with our lack of colonies—this is unacceptable."
That statement reflected the Junker aristocracy's mindset during the crisis. When things go wrong, people tend to blame external circumstances before examining themselves. Yet the reality was that the global environment was indeed unfavorable to Germany, reinforcing the Junkers' belief that the lack of colonies was the core problem.
Bismarck was infuriated by these remarks, feeling betrayed. Using administrative pressure to force domestic enterprises into submission was already a bad idea in his eyes. Earlier, the Junkers had promised their support if he bankrupted the Berlin Agricultural Company. But now that they had wrecked it themselves, they wanted to backtrack?
His fury boiling over, Bismarck nevertheless remained a rational politician. He suppressed his anger and replied calmly: "Though Germany is unified, our crisis is not over. The French still thirst for revenge, and our relationships with Britain, Russia, and Austria must be delicately balanced. If we act irrationally and lose international credibility, we will be in great danger."
Bismarck's foreign policy was much like Ernst's—both aimed to minimize their nations' negative images on the world stage. The difference was that Germany stood at the heart of Europe—always in the spotlight—while East Africa, located in Africa, was barely understood by most Europeans.
Germany couldn't opt out of global entanglements like East Africa could. Every dispute on the European continent had to be carefully managed. Bismarck's approach was to disguise the German tiger as a harmless creature until it was ready to dominate Europe.
But after years of smooth sailing, the Junkers had grown arrogant. With only two major powers left ahead of Germany—Britain and France—and France already defeated once, confidence had surged. The only remaining obstacle was Britain, whose Royal Navy loomed over the world like an unshakable mountain.
"Prime Minister," another MP said, "I agree that the international order is unfair to us. But that imbalance stems from our lack of colonies. The British and French homelands are no stronger than ours. What sustains their dominance is the constant lifeblood drawn from their colonies—huge populations and endless resources that tilt the scales in their favor during conflict."
Bismarck shot back: "And what do you expect our government to do? Compete with Britain and France for colonies overseas? All valuable lands have already been divided by them, their colonial efforts spanning centuries. Spain and Portugal have centuries-long colonial histories. What edge do we have over them?"
"Our navy is weak. Germany's coastline is enclosed—we're not even sure we can make it out of the Atlantic. That means our navy cannot effectively support any colonial ventures. Even if we manage to seize territory overseas, we'll only be serving it up to others on a silver platter."
"Then there's the issue of colonial administration. Everyone knows that colonization is risky and extremely expensive. The rich lands are already taken by Britain and France. If we throw money at barren wastelands, what returns can we expect? Will we end up managing a bunch of money-losing territories just to maintain appearances? Or are we to believe Germany is now so powerful that we can fearlessly go to war with the old colonial empires?"
Bismarck's rapid-fire rebuttals left the room speechless. Some naval representatives wanted to object, but considering their own weakness, they remained silent. The army watched with amusement—land power was in their favor, after all.
But the Junkers, who had suffered severe losses during the economic crisis, weren't satisfied. The previous crisis had already slashed grain prices, causing them financial pain. This time, the Berlin Agricultural Company (a Hechingen Consortium subsidiary) was performing well, but they had to pay fees for its services—it wasn't a charity. Naturally, they resented this. Already low on income, they still had to pay commissions. Their solution? Crush the company and handle sales themselves.
But that backfired. The Berlin Agricultural Company may have gone bankrupt, but the sales channels remained controlled by Hechingen loyalists. The business simply shifted to the Munich Agricultural Company. If Prussian landlords didn't want to work with Hechingen, the company would just do business in Bavaria. It's not like the world would stop spinning without Prussia. Land was the Junkers' only asset—and that wasn't something Hechingen lacked.
Bavaria's status in Germany was special. As the second-largest state and a Catholic region, the "Heart of Bavaria" was widely respected. Prussian Junkers couldn't touch the Munich company.
In the Reichstag, Bavarian MPs seized the moment: "We fully support Chancellor Bismarck. Peace is essential for Germany. We should ensure lasting peace, especially within Europe, and avoid conflict with other powers."
Most South German representatives echoed that sentiment. Aside from friction with Prussia, they truly didn't want to be dragged into war. Every war left South Germany scarred.
While the South wasn't enthusiastic, it didn't matter much. If Prussia couldn't even control its parliament, could it really call itself unified?
Ultimately, real authority in the Reichstag still lay with Wilhelm I and Bismarck. The emperor, though occasionally scheming, generally backed Bismarck—who had consistently proven right.
In his chess match with the Junkers, Bismarck held the upper hand. Some Junkers supported him, and with South German backing, the radicals were curbed. As a compromise, Bismarck agreed to open a small window: non-governmental German entities would be permitted to explore colonial expansion.
In other words, Germany was stepping onto the path of overseas empire-building. "Non-governmental" meant colonial companies or consortiums. In Ernst's original timeline, Germany's colonies had started the same way—first established by companies, then taken over by the government.
Still, Bismarck wasn't serious. He saw it as a gesture, not a real policy. Germany wouldn't spend much—let the radicals play their game. The state would remain mostly uninvolved.
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