Chapter 463: Taking Sides
Once the German Parliament convened, nothing could be kept secret—at least not from Britain, France, and other powers, who quickly realized that a faction within Germany harbored ambitions for overseas colonies. As Bismarck had said, the current German government had no intention of wasting resources on barren lands—most of which were in Africa and the Pacific. Prime territories such as India, Southeast Asia, the Caribbean, the Middle East, North Africa, and Australia were already in British and French hands.
Latin America was a different case. Though no longer colonial territory, it had become a quasi-economic colony of Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, and the United States. Formerly colonized by Spain and Portugal, Latin America fell into a power vacuum after their colonial exit. European powers tried to fill it, but the U.S. and the former colonial empires blocked their efforts. In 1823, the U.S. issued the Monroe Doctrine, declaring the Americas for Americans and opposing European colonialism. Europe's great powers, wary of U.S. and Iberian opposition, backed off. By the time the U.S. surged in the 19th century, it was too late for Europe to make a comeback.
Bismarck could suppress the colonial advocates for now, but after all, he was only a chancellor—representing just one administration.
Hohenzollern Castle
"Klein, thank you very much for the tip. Here's a small token of our appreciation," said Tom, slipping a red envelope into Klein's hand.
"Haha, no need to be so formal. It was only a small favor. But don't worry, Mr. Thomas—I'll keep an ear out for any useful intel!" Klein smiled as he pocketed the gift. "Send my regards to His Majesty."
"No problem!"
After seeing Klein off, Tom organized the meeting notes and telegraphed them to East Africa.
As Hohenzollern Province was part of the Kingdom of Prussia, local MPs naturally had ties to the Hechingen royal family. Had Constantino not moved to East Africa, the principality would've held a seat in the upper house of the Imperial Parliament. Still, it didn't matter—neighboring Sigmaringen had a seat. Any political wind would reach Hechingen. And if Hechingen knew, so would other countries.
This illustrates why East Africa had remained low-profile for a decade—it had no parliament, and thus no leaks. European exploration of Africa had been slow. Before Ernst colonized East Africa, most of Europe's knowledge of sub-Saharan Africa was limited to the coast and major rivers like the Nile.
(Map: African exploration in 1901. Red = well-known areas: North Africa, Nile. Blue = moderately known: coast and rivers. Gray = unknown.)
East Africa quickly received Tom's update.
Constantino asked, "It seems that after unification, Germany is also trying to assert global influence. At least some within it are dissatisfied with the current status quo. What should we do?"
Ernst replied, "We should finalize our relations with Austria-Hungary during our warship deal. It's time to take sides."
"Choose Austria-Hungary?" Constantino asked.
"Yes. East Africa needs allies, and there's no better option than Austria-Hungary."
Ferdinand added, "But some in Austria-Hungary won't see East Africa as a worthy ally. To them, a country in Africa ranks just above Antarctica."
Ernst laughed, "We don't care what a few insiders think. As long as we attach ourselves to Austria-Hungary in name, we can avoid a lot of trouble."
More than a true alliance, Ernst aimed to give East Africa the status of a protectorate under Austria-Hungary—though not like the former Zanzibar protectorate. It wouldn't be easy; benefits had to be exchanged. Ernst would have to offer Austria-Hungary something valuable.
"I'll handle this," Ferdinand volunteered.
"No problem," Ernst agreed—there was no better candidate than Archduke Ferdinand.
…
May — Schönbrunn Palace
"What? An alliance?" Franz, normally composed, was stunned by his brother's suggestion. "Do you know what you're saying?"
"What's so surprising? An alliance between Hechingen and Austria-Hungary is a match made in heaven."
"You've changed your name? Not 'East Africa' anymore?"
"'East Africa' is outdated. The kingdom now has over ten million German-speakers, so using a Germanic name isn't strange."
"You counted the Black population too?" Franz asked skeptically.
"Blacks aren't considered citizens. If you included them, the total would be over 30 million."
Franz remained unconvinced. "Fool the others if you like, but don't fool yourself. There are just over 10 million Germans in the Empire—how can a part of Africa have more?"
Ferdinand replied, "It depends on how you define German. Without counting births, we have about 4 million true Germans. South Germany accounts for 1.5 million, and Austria, North Germany, and the U.S. make up the rest."
"Is that data reliable?"
"In 1870, Germany's population was 40 million, and German-speaking regions had the highest emigration rates in Europe—especially during economic crises."
"You're not mixing in Slavs and others?"
"With Slavs and other Europeans included, it's 40–50% of the population. Most are Slovenians, Croatians, and Serbians."
Franz's eyelid twitched—East Africa had clearly been poaching Austria-Hungary's population. If you included those groups, they'd taken at least 2 million people. No wonder Slovenian and Croatian nationalism had quieted down recently.
"Even adding the Slavs, that's still not 10 million."
"We also have nearly half a population's worth from the Far East. Combined, that brings us to 10 million."
"You're not afraid this whole structure will collapse?" Franz asked.
"Worry more about Austria-Hungary," Ernst countered. "Compared to East Africa's population issues, your Empire's are far worse. Germans only make up a bit over 20%, and every ethnic group identifies with its own past. The threat of fragmentation hangs over your head constantly."
The Habsburg approach—loyalty to the emperor—no longer worked in the age of nationalism. Unless Austria-Hungary could forge a unified national identity, it would crumble.
"The Empire's problems are unsolvable. Are you going down the same path?" Franz asked.
Ferdinand shook his head. "East Africa is a pure immigrant state. The Hechingen monarchy holds more power than any monarch in European history. So we've enforced aggressive assimilation. Once the next generation matures, there will be no identity crisis."
"Still German?"
"Who knows? If Austria-Hungary could do the same, I believe you would. We Habsburgs never cared where people came from. That's how we built Austria to begin with. But now, some—especially Slavs—have adopted Napoleon's nationalist poison and see themselves only as nations. Yet outside the Empire, they gain nothing but the chance to build fragile states of their own."
History would later prove that no number of Slavic republics could compare to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. It upheld both the dignity of great powers and the freedoms of small peoples. The shattered Balkan states that followed couldn't even ensure basic civil liberties.
Under Habsburg rule, things might've been imperfect—but they were far better than the chaos that came after.
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